- Tonight's program is entitled, "Gaining Political Influence," and to help us out with this, we have three people that I think you'd like to enjoy meeting. This is Ellen Gold. She's the past code writer of the Lawrence Women's Political Caucus. Dr. Naomi Lynn, who is an assistant professor of political science at Kansas State University. And on the end is Roberta Sharp, who is a registered lobbyist. You can read a little bit more about each of these women in the program that you all received. I'm going to be speaking tonight about different things. I think Ms. Gold will concentrate on political opportunities for women in Lawrence and some of the psychological factors behind working in politics. Dr. Lynn has recently attended both the Democratic and the Republican National Conventions and has come to some conclusions on women in decision-making roles that she will share with us. And Roberta Sharp, her little bit is entitled, "Does Letter Writing Really Work." She will speak about effective ways to make your ideas and opinions known to legislators. So I might also mention the fact that in this program you will see tomorrow night, there's going to be another presentation on Affirmative Action at KU, how it's being implemented here, and also a discussion of the Women's Equity Action League Filing Action. That should be an interesting program that you might like to attend tomorrow night at 7:30 in this same room. We do have a display in the lobby of The Union that was present all day today and will be tomorrow featuring a survey of political candidates and their feelings relating to the issues and concerns for women. It's something that's very interesting working with female aristocracy. So this is the beginning .

- Okay. Can I consider, do you want me to stand-

- That's fine. Just make it informal. If you have any questions, please don't hesitate to ask.

- I want to begin by just sharing some thoughts with you about why women are not more active in politics. Why have women not played an active role in American political life? I think most political scientists would agree that women have not played an active role, because too often they are denied the opportunity to develop the self-confidence that political scientists have found to characterize the active citizen in a democratic society. The typical woman has a low sense of political efficacy. The political efficacy is a function of the extent to which the individual feels he has or can have an impact on the political process. Political efficacy is largely determined by ego strength, or the extent to which the individual feels he has mastery over himself and his environment. Studies indicate that a woman feels less able than a man to cope with the various complexities of the political process. She feels that her participation would carry new weight, so why bother? Political competence, in short, is not part of the woman's role, as this is taught throughout the whole process of socialization. More effective political action by women will require them, not merely knowledge and objective competence, it will require a whole new self-concept on their part. I contrast, boys are encouraged early to think of themselves as suitable for political roles. Parents and teachers combined, to encourage boys into more active roles, because they believe and instill into each generation the idea that politics and citizenship are the province of men. Women are told that they are not fitted for the rough and ready world of politics. This not too subtle socialization was brought home to me recently. My daughter joined the KAY, the Kansas Association for Youth. Some of you may have joined it when you were in junior high or high school. As they joined it, they got membership cards, and on the back of the cards were standards for boys and girls. They were juxtapositioned together so you could compare them. For the boys, it was, "Choose a vocation." For the girls, "Radiate health and beauty." For the boys, "Develop self-reliance." For the girls, "Love and be loved." Now, while this is not directly related to political socialization, we know that socialization in one area is then transferred into other areas. We are teaching women to play a passive role, but when we look at the democratic ideology and ideal, it is the participant who is the model citizen. The philosophers from the early Greeks to the modern writers teach us that everyone needs to be able to exercise power over his or her own self, to take the moral responsibility for working out one's own destiny. Instead of being taught to be good citizens, women have been taught to compete with one another for men, to be disinterested in politics, and by so doing, to leave the political arena wide open for male domination. Women have made some progress in politics. Going back over history, we find that a major turning point for women came in the early 1830s, when the early efforts of northern women to secure the abolition of slavery shows the power of agitation for human rights. After many years of struggle, the Women's Suffrage Amendment was finally ratified in 1920. women got the right to vote because a group of brave women were willing to suffer ridicule and abuse. In some cases, they too found that their own worst enemies were other women. After the passage of the 19th amendment, the Women's Movement lost most of its momentum. As one observer puts it, "Looking back across the years since the 19th amendment, "we can see where women erred. "Winning the vote was accepted as an end in itself, "which it was not. "Having won the vote, women have never used it. "Therein lives our failure." However, women's voting strength has been one of steady increase. By 1968 among college-educated women, the difference between male and female voting percentage of difference was very slight. Education and ego strength are the major determinants of political efficacy. It seems inescapable that ego strength will be filled by education. A pioneer suffragette made the statement, "That if men wanted to keep women down, "they made their first mistake "when they taught them their ABCs, "and women may be just beginning "to cash in their educational chips." There are other signs that the forces pushing women into fuller political participation are strong and irreversible. As women's labor force participation increases, so does your voting activity. And women's labor force participation rates have been increasing and are forecasted to continue to increase. Younger women are more politically active than older women, and the greater percentage of people in the younger age brackets will be a significant force in the 1970s. Urban women are more politically active than non-urban women. And despite the problems of the cities, there seems to be no reversal in sight in the trend toward urbanizing the American population. Acting as a catalyst to these basic forces will be women's movement organizations. The Women's Movement was partly a result of the forces I have mentioned, but it also resulted from experiences of women in the Civil Rights Movement. Like the early suffragettes who worked for the abolition of slavery, women working for civil rights were confronted by the paradox of working for equal rights and political power for blacks while being treated as second-class citizens themselves. They were struggling for equal pay for minorities, when they themselves were often even more victimized. Women realized that solving the inequities would require government action. They also realized that favorable government action was more likely if women held political power. Women themselves were going to have to enter the political arena. But this meant facing many problems. While men who get into political activities are praised for assuming their proper civic responsibilities, the active women may be chastised for leaving her home. A man gets positive reinforcements, a woman may be accused of being a poor wife and a worse mother. I interviewed a delegate at the convention who told me that during a committee meeting she got into a heated discussion with a man, and instead of talking about the issue, he started to tirade against her for not being home with her children. Another delegate told me that a man stopped her in the hall and said to her, "And what do you think your husband is doing "while you're here in Miami?" She replied, "The same thing your wife is doing, "changing diapers, cleaning house." But this is a kind of problem that women have. In 1968, only 13% of the delegates of the Democratic Convention and 17% of the delegates to the Republican Convention were women. We saw a tremendous increase into the 30's in the 1968 convention. This was a result of the McGovern reforms, the efforts of the Republican National Committee, and organizations, like the National Women's Political Caucus. One woman delegate said that she had gone. Her husband had planned to go with a delegate, she went to the meeting of the Women's Caucus, and she came back home and announced to him, "You're not going, I am." And we met another black woman who had just almost entered into politics by accident. She went to her local meeting. After a great deal of discussion, they found that they had no blacks and had a low percentage of women. And the next thing she knew she was in Miami as a delegate, but this very amazing woman got very involved, she took a very active part, and when she left she told us she intended to seek public office in the future. However, as a candidate she tends to face barriers much harder than those of the party . All of us are familiar with Shirley Chisholm's statement, that, "Sex was the greater barrier in politics "for her than race." Last spring, I heard Judge Sarah Hughes speak, as she told about a League of Women Voters Convention in Texas about 20 years ago. At the convention, they passed resolutions urging that more women be elected and appointed to government positions. The next day, the Dallas News came out with this editorial. "The thought of encouraging women "in politics and civic leadership makes a man, "and especially a Texan, gag. "To him, it is an insult to his manhood, "it is usurping his male rights to govern the tribe." I couldn't help thinking that a lot of men must be gagging in Texas this year, because Sissy Fahrenthold ran a good race in the primary for governor, and a black woman, Barbara Jordan, who has served as president pro temp of the Texas Senate seems destined to be the first black Congresswoman from the South, but there is still prejudice against women candidates. As late as 1970, the Gallup polls showed that 13% of men and 30% of women would not vote for a woman for Congress, even if she were qualified. In view of this attitude, it's not surprising that in the early 1970s women running for office were often those who were equipped by experience and expectations to deal with prejudice. In a special survey, Georgia Jones of the Urban Research Corporation found that of 15 candidates for various offices, five were black and six were running on women's power platforms. Of five who won, three were blacks. The party leadership is often even more prejudiced than the votes. They often permit women to run only in situations where they are certain to lose. One woman had said, "I found that politicians are terribly anxious "to have women run. "If the job's no good "and if no man wants it, "it was for sure a loser "and it was in a district "where your party never gets the candidate, "then you'll say, go ahead and run. "We'd like to have more women seek public office." Then when the inevitable happens, all that is remembered is that a woman lost. There are other myths and preconceptions which plague women candidates. It is said that a woman can not take time away from their children's candidacy in office required, and position in the state legislature, just to mention a low run office, may require two or three months away every winter. This does not explain the lack of women candidates from areas near the State Capitol. Political leaders also argue that it's a waste of time, effort, and money to promote the name of a young woman when she is liable at any time to become pregnant. The fact that modern birth control techniques render the pregnancy of a serious candidate as a highly unlikely occurrence may serve to dispel this myth in time. I've been doing quite a bit of research on women. I have yet to find the case of a serious candidate for office who is not able to continue running because of pregnancy. There still was this myth though that women have to face again and again, especially if they're young. If opposition like family situation, party organization in voters is not enough, the female candidate often finds that her choice of occupation is a variant. More women than men proportionally are in civil service jobs or the kinds of jobs which she could not leave and expect to still get paid, at the same time she is expected to go out and spend a lot of money campaigning. This puts her at a disadvantage with the professional business man whose income simply goes on while he's seeking public office. The law profession contributes more officeholders than any other. And only 3.5% of the lawyers in this country are women. Raising this percentage would require both an increase in feminine interests in a profession that has an argumentative masculine image and a reduction in the bias against women that we find in so many law school admitting committees. However, we do know that this is changing, it's getting easier for women to go to law school, but this has really been a problem as far as political life is concerned. in a study of political leadership election observed that since the electorate has both limited interest and information about candidates, the candidate who has achieved success in business, military or other sphere is more likely to be chosen than the candidate without such accomplishments. The public simply uses past performance as an indicator and presumes achievement in one sphere implies general leadership ability. Once again, women's occupational patterns put them at a disadvantage. Another barrier faced by many women is their relationship with their husband. In a study of Congresswoman Martha Griffiths, Patsy Mink and Margaret Heckler, Peggy Lamson found that each had an unusual degree of solidarity in her relationship with her husband, and each husband had played a vital role in promoting, and even managing, the wives campaign. In the present cultural context, few husbands are prepared to do this. Even more serious is a fund-raising problem. Congresswoman Heckler points out, that the big givers who like to back the winner, consider a female candidate a poor investment. Former Senator Maurine Newberger of Oregon has also emphasized that the raising of money poses an especially difficult challenge for the female candidate. Women tend not to be highly competent fundraisers, since they lack the business experience of most men. During the campaign, the woman is expected to remain feminine while at the same time rejecting the forceful dynamic image required of a political leader. If she becomes too aggressive, she may come across as bitching, thereby antagonizing potential supporters. If she maintains an acceptable feminine image, it is possible that she will come across as a completely ineffectual candidate. So the traditional nutritive, depending feminine role conflicts with the traits still demanded of a candidate. This situation poses a challenge which female candidates are going to have to meet and overcome. A fundamental remedy may lie in the revision of the stereotype female image, as well as the change in the image of the stereotype politician. The few women who are getting elected or even appointed to public office are likely to be concentrated in a few polls, such as treasurer, auditor or state secretary of state. Fields dealing with libraries and children are also women's variants. When women go beyond these fields, they have a very high visibility. They are constantly identified as women, and men may subconsciously comment on the need to clean up their language. Beyond this patronizing, when she makes mistakes, they are attributed to her sex. Instead of saying, "Nobody's perfect," you're more likely to hear, "Just like a woman." Even in responsible positions, they are not treated with respect. Barbara Franklin who holds an MBA from the Harvard Business School has been vice-president of a major bank, was appointed by President Nixon to identify and suggest women for high level government positions. I heard her speak at the Republican Convention, and she said that a high administration official had been assigned to introduce her at an important conference. He gave all her credentials and then he added, "That you'll be happy to know, "she wears a bra." She said she resisted the temptation to inquire about his undergarments, but she did end on a positive note that she doesn't think this would happen in Washington today. Women have made the most progress in state and local government. In 1929, there were 29 women in state legislatures. By 1963, the figure had reached a high point of 350. But this still represents only about 4% of the nation's 7,700 state legislative posts. Kansas has no woman in the State Senate, but two in the House. Neither voted for the Equal Rights Amendment. There are now six women seeking office in the Kansas legislature. Only three women have been elected as state governors, and all of these ran largely or entirely in their capacity as wives. Ma Ferguson of Texas was elected in 1924 and 1932. Her husband was the former governor and had been impeached. Nellie Tayloe Ross was elected in 1925 to serve her dead husband's unexpired term in Wyoming. Lurleen Wallace was elected in Alabama in 1966 when her husband George was prohibited by the state constitution from succeeding himself in office. One explanation for the lack of woman governorship is that the authoritative administrative role is especially resented in a woman. She is much more likely to be accepted in a representative position. it reminds us that more women are needed in the house, the house of representatives. There are currently 12 women in the house, 12 out of 435, and 2 women senators. One of the senators was recently appointed by her husband reportedly because she was the only one he could trust to turn over the seat to him at the next election. It is well-known that the secret of success in Congress is to acquire seniority. From 1918 to 1971, only 16 Congresswomen had served five or more terms. The only woman Senator to gain extensive seniority is Margaret Chase Smith of Maine. No woman has ever been elected to the party leadership roles, the speaker of the house, the majority leader and party whip. The Women's Movement may signal the end of complacency on the part of an increasing group of women. But there are still many obstacles to overcome. Many girls still equate intellectual achievement with lack of femininity. Women do not want to immerse themselves with the unattractive realities of politics. They are turned away by . What is needed is nothing more than a basic restructuring of attitudes on the part of both men and women. Mrs. Geri Joseph, former Vice Chairman of the Democratic National Committee says, "That women are not happy when criticized, "but criticism goes with politics. "Women find it harder to be thick-skinned than men." A Kansas legislature told one of my students in my Sex in Politics class, that he did not believe that women were emotionally fit to serve in the Kansas legislature. When he came back and reported it to the class, we all laughed at his sexist generalization. Sometime later I talked to Ruth Wilkins who has been a League observer, and she told me that some years back there was a woman in the Kansas legislature who cried whenever they defeated one of her bills. I think one reason many black women have been relatively successful in politics is because years of prejudice has hardened them for participation in the political arena. A Harris poll showed that 40 to 45% of American women favored major changes in women's power status. It was made up of women at the highest end of the educational spectrum and the lowest end of the economic spectrum. Younger college graduates and black, single and divorced women were among the major components of this group. A majority of women were still in the don't change group. Married women who are white and have not attended college we're in the hardcore of this group. The future looks good. Politicians are very sensitive to power changes. It is no coincidence that both parties had a woman applying for the first time in recent history. It is no coincidence that women were made co-chairman's of the Republican and Democratic parties. It is not a coincidence that women were so much in evidence at the National Convention and that our state and local politicians are all taking stands on women's issues. If women, who are a majority in America today, really wanted political power, they could not be denied. In conclusion, I'd like to add that our country has many problems. It can't afford to waste any talent. Women may be our most wasted resource. The decision to enter into positions of political power should be a matter of personal choice, and then to election by merit. The best man may not always be a man.

- Hi, I'm Ellen Gold. I'm here tonight as representative of the Lawrence Women's Political Caucus. I'm also on the State Policy Council of the Kansas Women's Political Caucus. Now Roberta Sharp is and is also a member of that council. The Women's Political Caucus is a relatively new movement that some of you know is an outgrowth of the NOW, the National Organization of Women. The Political Caucus is formed specifically to get women into politics and to get women's issues discussed by politicians. The Lawrence Political Caucus began relatively recently in the spring of this year. We began by enumerating some of the goals that we wanted to see our group work towards. I'll read you a few of them to give you an idea. One of our recommendations was to search out and support qualified women for appointment and election in policy making admissions. We wanted inequality in social security benefits to be eliminated. Establish a task force to approve the image of women and to eliminate the stereotyped roles currently used in teaching materials. To pardon an individual's right to determine his or her own personal reproductive sexual life. We handed these out at a number of our meetings. And one day I happened to overhear one woman, a visitor, say to another after she read through this list, "That looks a little women's libby to me." I think she's right. I think these goals are influenced by the Women's Movement, 'cause all change tends to strike people as radical. I remember one very old woman telling us about how the League of Women Voters got started here in Lawrence. The first issue that they took to work on was to get milk pasteurized. There was a terrible outcry when people heard that the women wanted to get milk pasteurized. The people in Lawrence had never heard of such a radical idea. There was a lot of opposition, and it took the Lawrence League of Women Voters several years to get the legislation requiring milk to be pasteurized. Of course today, pasteurization of milk is a conservative idea. Way over there on the far left, we now hear people saying, "Let's not pasteurize our milk "and destroy the natural goodness, "let's all drink raw milk." That's partly a matter of time and perspective. When the political caucus emerged, it was a small viable group. We looked around Lawrence to see how women were doing in Lawrence. And as a matter of fact, women aren't doing too badly in Lawrence. We have two women on the school board, one of them, Dr. Helen Gilles, has been there four years. Another one, Julie Hack, was just recently elected. Furthermore, we have our first woman City Commissioner, Nancy Hamilton, and Nancy wasn't elected through apathy or because the voters overlooked her name, she was elected by more votes than any other city commissioner. So we felt that there was a small amount of progress in Lawrence. However, we looked over in Topeka, and we looked at the House of Representatives where Dr. Lynn has just reminded you, there were two women in the House of Representatives, both of whom had just finished voting against the Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution. Now Lawrence was just recently redistricted. So their previous districts in Lawrence, this district, which is number 44, did not have an incumbent. There was nobody to represent district 44. This district is 45, and there was an incumbent in that district, Morris Kay, but even when we were discussing the possibility of getting a woman in the House of Representatives, there were rumors that Morris Kay would not pick up this district again. So we had two districts that we thought we could very likely run a woman in with a pretty fair chance of running. Morris, as you can see, also encompasses district 43, but there's a man named John Vogel in there who has been there a number of years, and Mr. Vogel also voted for the ERA, so we didn't pursue too vigorously the possibility of a woman candidate there, although we did consider it. So this was our first project, and we drew up a list of things called, "Possible women who could run as candidates "from one of these two districts." Now, as an aside, I should note, that in the first list we drew up we thought of women who could run and win. Later on as we got more desperate, we just considered anybody as a candidate. There's a black woman in town named Cynthia Turner, who a couple of years ago ran on what I suppose you would just have to call, "A losing campaign." Her purpose was to run as a black person, to encourage black people to register and vote. And of course, as it-