IN DEFENSE OF SELF DEFENSE by Huey P. Newton Teepe the power structure has demanded that Black to silence the implacables and to get their show back on the: } i road, leaders cater to their desires and to the ends of the im- perialistic racism of the oppressor. The power structure The masses of Black people have always been deeply en- has endorsed those Black leaders who have reduced them- selves to nothing more than apologizing parrots. They have divided the so-called Black leaders within the political arena, The oppresssors sponsor radio programs, give space in their racist newspapers, and have shown them the luxury enjoyed only by the oppressor. The Black leadersservethe oppressor by purposely keeping the people submissive and passive - non-violent. Historically, there have been a few Black men who have rejected the handouts of the oppressor and who have re- fused to spread the oppressor’s treacherous principles of deceit, gradual indoctrination and brainwashing, and who have refused to indulge in the criminal activity of teaching submission, fear, and love for an enemy who hates the very color Black and is determined to commit genocide on an international scale. There has always existed in the Black colony of Afro- America a fundarnental difference over which tactics from the broad spectrum of alternatives Black people should em- ploy in their struggle for national liberation. One side of this difference contends that Black people are in the peculiar pusition where, in order to gain acceptance into the ‘‘mainstrearn’’ of American life, they must employ no tactic that will anger the’ oppressor Whites. This view holds the Black people constitute a hopeless minority and that salvation for Black people lies in developing brotherly relations. There are certain tactics that are taboo. Violence against the oppressor must be avoided at all costs, because the oppressor will retaliate with superior violence, So Black people may protest, but no protect. They can complain, § but not cut and shoot. In short, Black people must at all § costs remain non-violent. On the other side of the difference, we find that the point j of departure is the principle that the oppressor has no rights that the oppressed is bound to respect. Kill the slave- master, destroy him utterly, move against him with im-3 placable fortitude. Break his oppressive power by any means necessary. Men who have stood before the Black masses and recommended this response to the oppression have been held in fear by the oppressor. The Blacks in the colony who were wed to the non-violent alternative could not relat to the advocated of implacable opposition to the oppressor Because the oppressor always prefers to deal with the les: radical, i.e., less dangerous, spokesmen for his subjects. He would prefer that his subjects had no spokesmen at all, : or better yet, he wishes to speak for them himself. Unable 3 to do this practically, he does the next best thing, and en- dorses spokesmen who will allow him to speak through them to the masses. Paramount amongst his imperatives is to see to it that implacable spokesmen are never allowed to communicate their message to the masses. They are never allowed to communicate their message to the masses. Their oppressor will resort to any means necessary to silence the implacables. The oppressor, the endorsed spokesmen, and the implac- ables form the three points of a triangle of death. The op- pressor looks upon the endorsed spokesmen as a tool to use against the implacables to keep the masses passive withing the acceptable limits of the tactics he is capable of containing. The,endorsed spokesmen look upon the op- pressor as a guardian angel who can always be depended upon to protect them from the wrath of the implacables, while he looks upon the implacables as dangerous and ir- responsible madmen who, by angering the oppressor, will certainly provoke a blood bath in which they themselves might get washed away.,The implacables view both theop- pressors and the endorsed leaders as his deadly enemies. If anything, he has a more profound hatred for the endorsec leaders than he has for the oppressor himslef, because the implacables know that they can deal with the oppressor only after they have driven the endorsed spokesmen off the scene. Historically, the endorsed spokesmen have always held the upper hand on the implacables. In Afro-American history, there are shining breif moments when the implacables have outmaneuvered the oppressor and the endorsed spokes- men and gained the attention of the Black masses. The Black masses, recognizing the implacables in the depths of their come only with leisure. The people have not had the luxury ef leisure. Therefore, the people have been very aware of the true definition of politics: politics are merely the desire of individuals and groups to Satisfy first, their basic needs’ -- food, shelter and clothing, and security for them- selves and their loved ones. The Black leaders endorsed by the power structure have attempted to sell the people the simple-minded theory that politics is holding a political office; being able to move into a $40,000 home; being able to sit‘near White people in a restaurant (while in fact the Black masses have not been able to pay the rent of a $40.00 at-infested hovel). The Black leaders have led the community to believe that brutality and force could be ended by subjecting the people jto this very force of self-sacrificing demonstrations. The Black people realize brutality and force can only be in- licted if there is submission. The community has not re- sponded in the past or in the present to ..e absurd and er- he bulk’ of the community. Grassroots -- the downtrodden f the Black community, even though they rejected the hand- icked handkerchief heads endorsed by the power struc- he brutality. .~ Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X were \ihe two Black men of the twentieth cen- m‘urvy who posed an implacable challenge to both the oppressor and the endorsed spokesmen that could be dealt with inany other way than precisely the foul manner The heirs of Malcolm now stand mil- lions strong on their corner of the tri- angle, facing the racist dog oppressor and the soulless endorsed spokesmen. The hires of Malcolm have picked up the gun to expose the endorsed spokesmen for the hs Black masses to see them for what they me are and always have been. The choice offered by the hires of Malcolm to the _edorsed spokesmen is to repudiate the oppressor and to crawl back to their dispair, respond magnetically to the implacables and bestow a : ee ene eat q epeedy ies oem ia cS Pei coe yay to ben that kia the oppressor HUEY P, NEWTON ace a merciless, speedy and most timely and endorsed spokesmen into a panic-stricken frenzy, and “MINISTER OF DEFENSE B.P. execution for treason and being too wrong they leap into a rash act -- murder, imprisonment, or exile- for too long. ae on NS THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY FOR SELF DEFENSE BELIEVES THAT THE TIME HAS COME FOR BLACK PEOPLE TO ARM THEM- SELVES AGAINST THIS TERROR BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE, A PEO- PLE WHO HAVE SUFFERED SO MUCH FOR SO LONG AT THE HANDS OF A RACIST SOCIETY, MUST DRAW THE LINE SOMEWHERE. WE BELIEVE THAT THE BLACK COMMUNITIES OF AMERICA MUST RISE UP AS ONE MAN TO HALT THE: PROGRESSION OF A TREND THAT LEADS INEVITABLY TO THEIR TOTAL DESTRUCTION. HUEY P, NEWTON MINISTER OF DEFENSE - BLACK PANTHER PARTY and, taking first things first, are moving. FREE HUEY! | FREE BOBBY! 7 FREE ERIKA! FREE LANDON AND RORY! FREE BURSEY! By Randy Furst For 22 million black Americans in the United States, the daily struggle for survival is particularly acute. They are oppressed as blacks and as workers—and in capitalist America, they come out last, economically, politically and of course, as a race. What follows are statistics outlining that oppression, de- rived from government reports except where otherwise noted: Infant mortality rate: Out of every 100 babies who die in infancy, 75% are black babies, the National Urban League said in its 1968 annual report. .... The infant mortality rate in 1968 was 24.8 per thousand for non-white infants, less than one month old. The rate for whites was 15.6.... The infant death rate for one month to a year was 14 per thousand for non-whites. The rate for whites was five per thousand. (There are about 22 million blacks, constituting 11% of the populatian of the U.S. The term non-white is often used by the Census Bureau. Of the total non-white population, 92% is black.) Life expectancy: For blacks in the U.S., the Urban League reports that life expectancy was 63.6 years in 1968 while for white Americans, it was 70.19 years. Income and poverty: Despite the rhetoric of the Kenne- dy, Johnson and Nixon administrations, corporate profits re- mained far more important than people’s incomes and black Americans remained the most oppressed. Based on the govern- meént’s definition of poverty, there were 25.5 million poor people inthe U.S. in 1968 and three out of 10 were black and non-white, the Department of Labor reports....In 1968 the income of black families was only 60% of the median incomes of whites ....The median family income of a black family in the U.S. was $5359 in 1968. The median income for a white family according to the U.S. Dept. of Commerce was $8936. ...In 1968 23% of black families had median incomes of less than $3000. Nine per cent of white families in the U.S. earned less than $3000. . . : The Commerce Department reports that one-third of all families that were black or non-white earned $8000 or more. However, infla- tion has taken its toll on increased incomes. An $8000 income in 1968 was equivalent to the purchasing power of $5100 in 1947... . Black women workers face the most severe_wage discri- mination. The income of a black woman is about $1800 less than a black male. The median income of a full-time black male worker who took home wages or salary in 1968 was $5370. Fora black woman it was $3561....In 1968, about one half of all blacks who lived in urban areas, lived in poverty areas. Some 55% of blacks lived in central cities. Unemployment: The unemployment rate among blacks was 6.5% according to Labor Department figures that carry through January 1969, a figure that runs twice that of whites. At the same fime, the unemployment rate for black teenagers was 24.4%, compared to 10.8% for white teenagers. ' Employment: About 40% of black and other non-whites were in service, laborer’ or farm occupations, more than twice the proportion of whites who must do such work....In 1890,’ a reported seven of eight black workers were field workers or servants. Twenty per cent of black or non-white women workers (more than 800,000) are private household workers. ... Some 45% of all black and non-white workers with children under six Black Panther Party Platform and Program Oppression pan in America RE ALL Black o FREE THE , FREE THE CONN. 14! FREE THE L.A. 18! POLITICAL PRISONERS! were employed. For white womem faced with the same situation, the figure was 28%. : A Capitalists: Nixon’s promise*Of ‘eredting black capitalists in the U.S. is a myth. It can’t happen heré.*The American ruling class is virtually all white and most black-owned business depends on loans from white-controlled banks, and the white power struc- Z ture control... . As one illustration, there-were some 1000 black- oriented radio stations in the Ui$: m:1967 which reportedly brought in $28 million. All bit five df ffrosé stations were owned. by whites, according to History of.the Negto.in America (1969). Welfare: Black Americans are disproportionately on wel- fare. Some 3.8 million black and non-whiites sreceived welfare oo in 1968. An estimated $46" wlHion’ whites received welfare. The law: According to the fattstidal Abstract of the United States for 1969, more ‘than ‘one-thitd: of individuals in prison, reformatories, jails or worpedwsesiiwere black in 1960, There were 216,049 whites im “‘GoméetifHal™ institutions and 133,249 blacks. ... Between 1930 and 1964 some 1751 whites. were executed for alleged crimes. Dusimg*the:same period, 2066 blacks were executed by civil authorittes: a Education: On May 17, 1954) of Education” the supreme court rated séfo unconstitutional since “separate edueativo: facilities are -in- herently unequal.” The Civil Rights Aet-of°1964 forbade discri- mination in public accommodations. and employment, rights gua ranteed by Constitutional amendmente-but ‘discrimination re- mains a blatant reality... . For example; according to the govern- ment definition of racial imbalance, 99% of the schools in Los Angeles are segregated... . On Sept. 1-3, Robért H. Finch, Secre- tary of. Health Education and Welfare said that 3327 of 4476 school districts in 17 Southern and border states had been totaily desegregated. The Civil Rights Commission has charged that more than 1000 of HEW’s “completely desegregated”’ districts have no black students at all.... Black students continue to finish high school at the lowest rates, although. the. government says the number graduating is increasing. Eighteen: per cent of whites and 42% of blacks 20 and 21 years old had not completed high school in 1968....Some 4.3% of the black and non-white population completed college in 1960. In 1969, 6.6% of blacks and non- whites had finished four,years of college or more. In 1969, 16.2% of whites had finished four years of college or more..:.An estimated 3% of medical students in the U.S. are black. Housing: The Bureau of the Census says that housing, which lacks basic plumbing facilities or is dilapidated does not meet specified criteria. A full 24% of black and other non-white households fail to meet this specific criteria. For whites, 6% of the households fell below this minimum standard. The'’war in Vietnam: After all this, black Americans must fight in Vietnam; against a people struggling for-~ self- determination. In 1966 and 1967, 269,000 black Americans were called for pre-induction examinations by Selective Service. During those two years alone, some 93,000 blacks were drafted.... As of March 31, 1969, 67,000 blacks had served in Southeast Asia, and 4000 blacks had died, according to the Defense Department. a | Following is the 10-point program of the Black Panther party, adopted in October I966. 1. We want freedom. We want power to determine the destiny of our black community. We believe that black people will not be free until we are able to determine our destiny. 2. We want full employment for our peo- ple. We believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every man employment or a guaranteed income. We be- lieve that if the white American businessmen will not give full employment, then the means of production should be taken from the busi- nessmen and placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high stan- dard of living. 3..We want an end to the robbery by the capitalist of our black community. We believe that this racist government has robbed us and now we are demanding the overdue debt of 40 acres and two mules. Forty acres and two mules was promised 100 years ago as restitution for slave labor and mass murder of black people. We will accept the payment in currency which will be distributed to our many communities. The Germans are now aiding the Jews in Israel for the genocide of the Jewish people. The Germans murdered six million Jews. The Amer- ican. racist has taken part in the slaughter of over 50 million black people; therefore, we feel that this is a modést demand that we make. 4. We want decent housing, fit for shelter of human beings. We believe that if the white landlords will not give decent Housing to our black community, then the housing and the land should be made into cooperatives so that our community, with government aid, can build and make decent housing for,its people. 5. We want education’for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent Amer- ican society. We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present-day society. We believe in an educational system that will give to our people a knowledge of self. If a man does not have knowledge of himself and his position in society and the world, then he has little chance to relate to anything else. _ 6. We want all black men to be exempt from military service. We believe that Black people should not be forced to fight in the military service to defend a racist government that does not protect us. We will not fight and kill other people of color in the world who, like black people, are being victimized by the white racist government of America. We will protect ourselves from the force and violence of the racist police and the racist military, by what- ever means necessary. ee 7.We want an immediate end to police brutality and murder of black people. We be- lieve we can end police brutality in our black community by organizing black self-defense groups that are dedicated to defending om black commmnity from racist police oppression and brutality. The Second Amendment to the Constitution of the United States gives a right to bear arms. We therefore believe that all black people should arm themselves for self-defense. 8. We want freedom for all black men held in federal, state, county and city prisons and jails. We believe that all black people should be released from the many jails and. prisons because they have not received a fair and impartial trial. 9. We want all black people when brought to trial to be tried. in court by a jury of their peer group or people from their black com- munities, as defined by the Constitution of the United States.... 10. We want land, bread, housing, educa- tion, clothing, justice and peace. And as our major political objective, a United Nations- supervised plebiscite to be held throughout the black colony in which only black colonial sub- jects will be allowed to participate, for the purpose of determining the will of black people as to their national destiny ....