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Mondav. November 14. 1977
University Daily Kansan
UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
Comment
Unsigned editors represent the opinion of the Kansan editorial staff. Signed columns represent only the views of the writers.
Those who have doubted the validity of threats to cut federal funding because of noncompliance with Title IX should now open their eyes.
The Department of Health, Education and Welfare is preparing to take action against about 400 school districts and 100 colleges that have yet to promise to eliminate sex discrimination, as specified under Title XIX of the 1972 education law, which mean the withdrawal of millions of dollars from the 800 school districts and colleges.
True, HEW is moving against only the most flagrant violators—those who have ignored three times HEW's notice that they assert the tail assurances of Title IX compliance.
Nevertheless, HEWs' action indicates that there are some teeth in those threats of reprisal against schools that fail to meet Title IX standards. If ensuring non-discrimination in federally funded institutions means holding an ax over those institutions' heads, HEW is willing to provide the ax.
ALL THIS FUSS IS, of course, a bit unfortunate. The principles of fair hiring and treatment are adhered to voluntarily. It is the duty of employers to treat and troublesome enforcer of what is right.
but HEW's action is commendable because it will help guarantee that all schools are struggling equally to meet the TITLE IX guidelines. One can quibble about the breadth and scope of those requirements, but it is not easy to move against violators shows that nondiscrimination laws are not on the books just for show.
The brightest side, perhaps, is the news that most of the nation's 19,500 colleges and school districts have filed the required assurance of compliance and, presumably, are moving to meet the standards. Only the students in the HEW plans to move against and another 700 have a short time left to respond are in immediate danger.
THERE HAVE BEEN fears that HEW would be overly yeasal of title TIX guidelines and similar fears that there would be no enforcement at all. But the impending action indicates that there may be sensible enforcement.
For those at the University of Kansas who fail to see the intrinsic value in following Title IX guidelines, HEW's withdrawal of funds would provide a pragmatic reason for supporting KU's efforts to meet the demands of the law.
A blue fog sweeps down the Canadian hills and filters through the pines, carrying with it the acrid stench of
The plume of pollution drifts over the deserted wilderness. The fumes were born in an iron mine, and flowed up to Alktokan, Onario, 35 miles north of the international Boundary Waters Canoe Area
Canadian smog threatens U.S.
A wind blows the fumes south. Soon they will reach the BWCA—and the United States,
which is powerless to prevent the pollution.
John Mueller
Editorial Writer
the pollution.
The Carter administration is trying to stop the pollution. So far, it has not succeeded.
Environmentalists say the BWCa is one of the few truly unspoiled wilderness areas left to be restored. It was reached by road, but each year
thousands of people leave Ely, Minn., by canoe to see the BWCA.
What the caneists see are lakes teeming with fish and forests populated by mammals. They see unattumed rivers, many with waterfalls. Usually they leave as a result as they found it—unpolluted.
THE CANADIANS do not care for the tender feelings of the Americans. Starting in southwest Texas, the canadians bring 210 tons of sulfur dioxide a day
from Atikokan. Atikokan is where Ontario Hydro plans to construct a mammoth electrical plant.
If the plant is built, pollution levels in the BWCA will violate U.S. standards for wilderness areas. Fumes from the ore plant already threaten those standards.
More humilizing, I was the first one on the front row of the class picture for six years straight, a bride with blonde hair and a blue sweater.
Small frv ready to stand up and be counted
There's an oppressed minority that's being ignored in the world. It has been tailgating the more publicized minorities like guys and thugs and it has been doing so. People, people, it's time they stood up and were counted.
Sure, there were advantages. I was the best at hide and seek. I could fit anywhere. I even was the best in the room.
Unfortunately, most people assume just that. I remember my grade school days. "Short," they tauled. "Shrimp," they teased. "Runt," they tauled. "Snake." They tauled. White lauthann i lured my stubby legs to keep up.
I'm short. I've always been short, I'll always be short. But just because there's no room for advancement is no reason to assume that being short is a bad quality.
IN HIGH school, the plot thickened. I was too short for basketball, too short for football. High jump with short legs? Hah! Swim with no stretch? Harmrum! I need to be a waterboy, they said. Instead, I went out for baseball and made it. The position? Shortstop. The plague followed me. I was at home all the time. But because my strike zone was approximately 5 inches, an impossible target for opposing pitchers.
I felt better about myself when I got a driver's
Rick Tbaemert Editorial Writer
FRIENDS TRIED to help by coining phrases like, "Size don't count when you make out." And, of course, there were the old standbys: "Good things come in small packages," "It's the little things that count" or "small wonder," but they did not matter. The same goes such as Napoleon, Dicott or Tom Thumb. Smallness can mean power and might, they said. Look at Charles Manson or David,
encuse. Yet, recalling how I was forced to sit on a pledge of education dampened my pride behind the wheel.
Disgusted, I turned to social activities. I became interested in journalism, music and gymnastics. Socially, I learned to dance well, only to be the fool of the class dances and sock hops when I nearly smothered myself in the bosom of a tall girl. And, for me, they all were tall. Some even packed more power than I did. On numerous occasions, my sister and I often watched 8th grade had thrown me to the turf and sat on me. Such experiences sent me through a period of meekness with girls.
slayer of Goliath. "The bigger they are," they said, "the harder they fall."
Atkokan is a symbol of Canadian nationalism. The town wants the plant and bitterly resents criticism of it. Because of that resentment, the town of 6,000 is causing concern at the U.S. State Department, which has expressed about the plant with representatives of the Canadian government.
I knew that was bunk. A big person can break a little fellow in half. Even if they did fall harder, I told myself, they'd probably fall right on top of me. There was no winning against the giant
At college, I started noticed the more biting implications of shortness. Shortcomings are synonymous with failures. "Short end of the stick" is synonymous with getting screwed. Little can come to mean insignificant. Petit, which means small in French, takes on objection over here. Consider the following substitutes for short: Fug, dump, stumpy and dwarfish.
ON THE OTHER hand, there are few invectives to hurl at tall people, except impotent adjectives like gangly, string-bean or long-limbed. To compensate, I entered an anti-height campaign, and used names for tail people that I thought would even the score. "Goon," I would snicker as a basketball player passed. "Geek," I would whisper when the quarterback strode by.
It worked for a while, until! I happened on an elevator and was face to armpit with Domine Von Moore and Ken Koenigs. It dawned on me that there were two inches of air inches to mongoose with a mouth shot.
I could, however, vent my anger at the things around me. In the hell in the ever designed cupboards, anyway? They're discriminatory to shorts. So are far too many light bulbs. Can't someone invent a light bulb putter-inner for short people?
THE EXTREMELY short people have it the worst, unlike the extremely tall people who get basketball scholarships. Has anyone heard of a basketball player be more than a break or a peek? I don't think so.
Or, have anyone seen a 5"2" model, with the exception of those who model misses and teen sizes? No way. How about a 4"8" Radio City Music Rockette, or a 4"7" stewardess for Pan Am? Or
Tail people land the jobs where appearance counts, another proof that shortness is considered a trait.
One day, the little people will take over. Why? Because, inch for inch, they're more economical. Short people breathe less air. They eat less food. Their clothes require less material. They take up less space. And, in a world where space is running out, short people will logically be the last to go. After all, you can fit twice as many in the same building or economy car.
Short people, if they unite, can show the world that lines on wals aren’t a measure of worth. Worth is the ability to fit in, and when the people around you become big enough, people will emerge as survivors of the big squeeze.
The town itself resembles a dying factory community. Agriculture is almost nonexistent in the surrounding countryside, and Atkison is a town of iron. Two mining workers are employed, 1200 workers, but the mines are old—at one of them, the gash in the earth resembles a bottomless pit.
SOON THE MINING jobs will run out, say the townpeople, and then who will pay the bills? There is no area within 100 miles; when the mines close, the people will face the unpleasant prospect of moving far from where they were born.
The electric plant, to Atikolan, would be a gift from heaven. Most estimates predict the need for temporary jobs and 200 permanent jobs to the community. Wilderness areas, whether Canadian or American, matter little to who want to keep their homes.
America is highly unpopular in Atikokan. On one of the town's few paved streets, pickup trucks bear bumper stickers with the words, "Stop the American Takeover." The neighbor to the south was named the vice-president, self-determination, an ideology embodied in Atikokan's fight for the power plant.
"We don't need you anymore," a young Canadian told me this summer. "Quetico was in southern Ontario (so is ours)."
QUETICO IS indeed Canada's. The thundering waterfalls, some comparable to those in Japan, belong to Canada. So do the trees, flora and wildlife that the plant's pollution would threaten. But the trees, flora, waterfalls and wildlife are not stop at the Canadian border.
People in Atikokan are not concerned that their compact village, nestled between two towering bluffs of red iron ore,
has assumed international importance. In local restaurants, the miners scout at the U.S. State Department.
They argue that Ontario has the sovereign right to set air pollution standards as high or as low as it wants. If U.S. standards happen to be more sophisticated than Canada's, that is just why there are the people in northern Minnesota.
ONTARIO HYDRO has had the same position as the miners' The nominally public utility is a law unto itself; neither utility stockholders nor citizens have access to Ottawa can control the corporation's management. Ontario Hydro is not enthusiastic about installing $60 million worth of pollution-control equipment in municipal pollutants that would harm Minnesota wildernesses.
Nor does Ontario Hydro want to build its plant elsewhere. There are coal mines near Atikokan—more ugly gasses in the ground, but it is ready access to coal to be a reason for building the plant at Atikokan. The plant is designed to burn low-sulfur coal to produce 800 megawatts of electricity a day, and Atikokan an abundance of that coal can be tapped by Ontario Hydro.
IT IS TRUE that the plant has one vocal opponent, Charlie Ericksen. Charlie was booed out of a town meeting two years ago for criticizing the plant. Perhaps his lack of success has been due to the fact that he opposes the environmental nonprofit corporation that he heads, has exactly one member. Also, Charlie is a former American citizen. He is suspect.
As rain begins to fall over Atikokan, an observer thinks ahead to 1983. If the plant is not able to change sulfur gases from the plant's smokestack into sulfuric acid. The resulting "acid rain" lakes are becoming the lakes, forests and soils of the U.S. border regions.
But don't talk about that in Atikokan. The Canadians are all over it, and the air's bounty discharge into the air of 10,000 pounds of sulfur dioxide, sulfuric acid, arsenic, chemicals from the smokstack.
The employees of Steep Rock Iron Mines Ld. and the Caland Ore Co. Ltd. want jobs. Ontario will give them jobs, will give them jobs.
The mining days of Aitkoh are almost over. The rape of America's northern wilderness is about to begin.
Why Carter, despite claims is far from being a populist
By LAWRENCE GOODWYN
N. Y. Times Features
DURHAM, N.C.-Beginning in the spring of 1981, when Jimmy Carter's nomination first became a distinct possibility, and extending through the ensuing campaign, a fairly uncommon ideological question intruded into American politics: "Is he a poplist?"
In the year since the Nov. 2 election, Carter, in his own interesting fashion, has provided imple-mentations of his campaign. The entire question now might be dismissed were it not for the fact that the implicit issues raised cast such a revealing light on the rigidity of contemporary American politics, including the very language of capitalism.
Carter himself precipitated the discussion by his quiet acknowledgment, made rather early in his bid for the Democratic Party nomination, that he was indeed a "proudist."
IT WAS DISCOVERED that the Carter's maryland forebear in Georgia had been disciples of the popist Tom Watson, and that they shared with Watson the conviction that credit merchants in the South, or the American banking system in the Middle, were exploiting the great mass of American farmers.
The term evoked images of legions of Southern and Western farmers striving, sometime in the late 19th century, for more economic justice, and, later, to help them to many Americans of progressive persuasion.
The 176th presidential candidate seemed to blend these sunny ancestral impulses into his speeches with semantic case. The poor needed help and he was not a conspirator, a radical conservative, and government was too big.
IN FACT, THE debate about presidential population was misdirected from the outset by confusion about what historical "population" accuser had said and what modern "liberalism" does not embrace.
On the other hand, Jimmy Carter's paternal forebears were credit merchants who, like their counterparts elsewhere in the South, managed to title to much of the surrounding countryside.
Populism was a mass movement of some millions of people across the South and West. Ideologically, populism represented a critical analysis of the particular structure of finance capitalism at a time when the captains of industry and finance were in the process of defining the
future ground rules for social, economic and political conduct of 20th-century Americans.
Populists regarded these ground rules not only as inherently undemocratic and exploitive, but corrosively restrictive of popular democracy itself.
They dared to assert their own sense of autonomy and self-respect, their own democratic analysis of the world they lived in, their own vision of a society where people rather than corporate combinations determined the rules of civic dialogue.
INSTEAD OF deferentially hoping that their spokesmen were “good populists” who would not betray them, they attempted to maintain their movement in such purposeful and democratic order that they themselves would be able to determine those spokesmen would be.
They did not wait, apprehensively, for signs that their own spokesmen would or not, in contemporary parlance, "sell them out," for the simple reason that they did not believe authentic democratic politics could be created on high by a "leader"—even a presidential leader.
TODAY, OUR VERY traditions of politics, our confined sense of what is possible, militate against the conceptual intuitions about democracy that guided the 19th-century populists.
Unfortunately, such a concept of democracy is a topic, indeed a way of thinking, that is not easily fathomed within the constraints of "modern society."
Our problem in not understanding them, and the cultural issues raised by our inability to understand them is not the fault either of the original nounsists or of Jimmy Carter.
If the evidence of history is any guide, Americans will not have a populist president until well past 2018.
Our problems are our own. They are rooted in our resignation about what is possible and what is not possible.
Until we develop the cultural poise and self-respect to understand why, we will continue to threaten our country. We will, therefore, continue to look to Washington, with passive resignation, with American spirit.
The populists would not have admired their modern "progressive" descendants.
Such sundry modes of deference were not notable populist attributes.
Lawrence Goodwin, professor of history at Lawrence University, and a Republican democratic Prognostic The Populist Moment in America.
South African blacks should be happy now
To the editor:
This fall the Kansan has had a few articles concerning the issue of whether the basic position that these articles have taken is on the side of "majority rule." However, another side to this position
Another myth about South Africa is that "the blacks have the worst income in the whole world." Such is not the case. Rather, they are far the highest standard of living of any blacks in Africa.
First, let me put your minds at ease concerning the question of minority rule in South Africa: There will be no majority rule. It will be only a transfer of the present government to freedom, to a government ruled by ruthless Communists who will impose complete slavery for blacks as well as whites.
There is another myth that says, "South Africa is ruled by bloodthirsty bandits." Nothing can be farther from the truth. The anti-SALE movement is independent human rights organization at 48 out of 150 nations in the world in preserving human rights. Furthermore, this organization is known for its left tenacious and obnoxious facts, the press continues to print this propaganda.
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Also, the false assumption that blacks have no freedom in South Africa. Blacks enjoy more freedom than the people in Tanzania, Zambia, Algeria, and many other African countries.
The press simply attaches and labels with the greatest of ease and does not feel responsibility for its judgments. Medocre journalists simply mk headlines with their
KANSAN
conclusions, which suddenly become generally accepted. This is the other side to South
Letters
Jeff Smith Tonganixie junior
Law knowledge lies with biker
In regards to the letter from "Light Law Breaker" (Oct.31), it would seem to this writer that the responsibility of knowledge of the laws of the city of Lawrence governing bicyclists lies with the rider, not the patroller. That responsibility begins the moment you decide to ride that bike.
To the editor:
As for your suggestions regarding what the patrol officer should be doing, it again seems to this writer that those individuals who do receive tickets from patrol officers (who are only doing their job) always have a better place for the officer to have tickets from campus police and city police can't be everywhere at once and can only correct what they see.
This writer feels that the Lawrence police and campus police do a damned good job, considering the number of police compared to the town population.
Jan L. O'Neil 108 Randall
THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
Published at the University of Kansas daily August 25, 2017
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