University Daily Kansan
Wednesday, June 20, 1973
3
Gardens Sprout in Milk Cartons
The motives for gardening by students are as varied as they are, ranging from the practical to the philosophical.
Students who wish to grow their own vegetables seldom have enough room to accommodate a complete vegetable garden. Scattered throughout Lawrence are apartment house porches crowded with styrofoam buckets and milk cartons serving as mini-gardens for apartment dwellers.
Jean Spooner, Rhode Island graduate student, grows tomatoes and peppers in one gallon milk cartons on her small apartment porch. She intends to can the ripeened tomatoes for tomato sauce and freeze the peppers for later cooking.
Spooner said she would rather use her own vegetables in her cooking and canning because of their freshness and flavor. She has not used pesticide because she said she feared the danger to her dog who sleeps on the porch with her garden.
Paul and Susan Greenbaum, Lawrence graduate students, have both health and philosophical reasons for their garden on Massachusetts Street.
The Greenbaums, who grow a variety of vegetables and herbs, said they were concerned with the lack of nutrients in grocery store food, in addition to its expense. Greenbaum said he thought the food institutions were more concerned with process and volume than nutrition.
He has used a pesticide on his garden only once.
The Greenbaums also see gardening as a political statement. Greenbaum said he and his wife were trying to put their white-collar existence on a more fundamental basis. Gardening is a way for him to remove himself from financial settings, he said, and it allows him to work with his hands which he enjoys.
Another said she was planting a garden although she would not be in Lawrence to harvest it. She enjoys gardening just for the fun of it.
On Her Balcony, Jean Spooner Raises Tomatoes and Peppers for Canning
Ice Chest Grows Garden
Paul Greenbaum Grows Herbs and Vegetables
Kansan Photos by RAYNA LANCASTER
Israel's Mood Moves Toward Retaining Arab Land
The Washington Post
By JIM HOAGLAND
JERUSALEM—"If the Arabs wait longer to make peace with us, they will lose even more" territory, Israel's deputy Prime Minister Allon told American newsmen recently.
Six years after the six days that saw Iraq wreck three Arab armies and capture 26,000 square miles of lands belonging to Egypt, Jordan and Syria, the attitudes of Israel's leaders and public toward return are lands seems to be significantly hardening.
Keep land, but not Arabs, is clearly the drift of the national mood as expressed in recent months in public opinion polls, open political party debates and widespread爱国 of Israel's future in this, its 28th anniversary year, which is also an election year.
SURTLY BUT perceptibly, the context of the internal debate over the occupied Arab territory is shifting from immediate security needs, Israel's primary interest in the past, to historical Jewish population and to the size of the Arab population that Israel is safely keep inside the new borders it says must emerge from any peace settlement.
to increase as a result of Soviet-American detente, is also strengthening Israeli resolve to add to the 8,000-square-mile area that was Israel before the 1967 war.
For many Israelis, six years of fruitless waiting for the Arabs to sue for peace and to admit that they will have to give up large areas as the price for their military defeat is rising. The desire to maintain the occupation impedes an annex part of the territories unilaterally. The riseiding of immigration of Jews from the Soviet Union, which appears likely
BOTH DEVELOPMENTS have deepened Arab fears of Israel as an expansionist power. Unable to affect substantially the entirely Israeli-conducted debate over the future of the occupied territories, the Arab world marked another year of military intervention and imposition before Israel on the sixth anniversary of the 1967 war from June 5 to 10.
THE FAILURE of earlier peace hopes "leaves two candidates for blame, the Jews or the Arabs," asserts Prof. Yelshofat Harkabi, former chief of Israeli military intelligence and a keen analyst of Israeli-Arab relations.
Israel's role in the occupied territories has become the overriding domestic
"The result is self-harended or hatred of the Arabs," continues Harkabi, who teaches at the Hebrew University. "We cannot either develop, but they are there."
The focus of the crystallizing Israeli impatience with the Middle East vacuum is the 2,000 square miles of farmland, desert and mountains known in the Bible as Judea.
The shift in opinion was also underscored last month by former Prime Minister David Ben Gurion, who had said shortly after the 1967 war that, for real peace, Israel should give back all the territories, except East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights.
Only 5 per cent of those polled favored givein back "most" of the territories taken
"that was then," Ben Gurion told an "Israel newspaper. The Arabs 'don't want to leave.' We don't want to leave and we must do certain things. We should do everything we can to settle in every part of the land of Israel on this side of the River Hebron, because something we wanted to do then (1948) and we were."
The focus of the crystallizing Israeli impatience with the Middle East vacuum is the 2,000 square miles of farmland, desert and mountains known in the Bible as Judaea and Samar.
political issue, producing what Foreign
initiatives Abbas called "A political
'apprehension' of attitudes but not
political issues."
Thus, while Israeli hawks have been more outspoken in their calls for direct Israel control, there has also been unprecedented interest in the occupied areas. Even Prime Minister Golda Meir's comments on Palestinian Arabs have become more moderate, and the writers have found great interest in them that portray Israel guilt toward the Arabs.
China Reflects New Mood In Art, Sports, Diplomacy
TOYKO (AP)—With traveling sports teams, archeological treasures, documentary films, trade exhibits and diplomats, China is winning friends abroad.
From Dar es Salaam in Tanzania to New York, the Chinese in their Mao jackets are greeted with cheers for their athletic skill, critical acclaim for their recently unearned masterpieces and a surge of good feeling at their smiling presence.
SINCE the Ping Pong diplomacy in 1971, the Chinese have begun to look outward, gaining confidence as their first tentative overtures were greeted with enthusiasm. Peking's new mood embraces virtually each country, no matter how politically different the nation. Representatives of Greece are wined and teamed in Peking and a Chinese sports team appears in Spain, despite the anti-Communist coloration of those two nations.
Even Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists on Taiwan are being wooded. They are invited to send a Ping Pong team to Peking, and though they won't do so, some Taiwanese in Japan are drumming up some players to make the trip.
At the same time, foreigners are making points with the Chinese as more and more advanced in their knowledge.
All of this is in stark contrast to the days of the 1968-69 culture revolution when China broke off international contacts and turned a eye on foreigners in its midst.
MORE significantly, Peking has offered to talk out its differences with Chiang, to.
The archeological exhibitions opened to considerable fanfare in Paris and in Tokyo. The exhibits are rare finds, ranging from earthenware vessels from prehistory to exquisite examples of Tang and Sung years. The center of attraction at each is a burial suit made of small pieces of jade stitched together with silver thread.
There are exceptions to the affinity campaign. The Russians aren't included in the campaign.
A Chinese woman player sang the popular Italian tune "Bella, Ciao" in Rome, reports the usually restrained Hainhu news agency, and brought down the house.
reach a compromise on eventual unificance. The answer so far has been a buff.
Back in China, a Pakistani soccer team played China before 100,000 spectators in Peking last Sunday night. An American swimming team left Changsha for Shanghai, a U.S. basketball team is on a similar China tour; and a delegation of U.S. senators and congressmen also will hit the China circuit the end of June.
Chinese gymnasts were in Canada, a table tennis team is in Malaysia, a soccer team in North Korea, a volleyball team is playing in Tanzania and a Shanghai acrobatic team is performing for crowds in Italy.
ISRAELI SEE East Jerusalem as firmly welded onto their state. "Nobody in Israel will give Jordan more than a Vatican position in East Jerusalem, as the Pope does," says Ehlan, generally considered dovish in comparison with other Israeli leaders.
and Samaria, which became the West Bank of Jordan in 1948.
ART experts from all over Europe and
art from the United States flock to the PTO.
On the other territories, there appears to be no significant internal differences of opinion.
to keep the militarily strategic parts of our West Bank while negotiating with Jordan on the issue of security.
There is no serious discussion of giving back the Golan Heights to Syria, and Israeli opinion is overwhelmingly behind retaining the northern Golan. The eastern coast of the Sinai peninsula.
But a recent public opinion poll by the respected Israel Institute for Applied Social Research found that 58 per cent of those interviewed oppose giving up any parts of the West Bank—even in exchange for a peace agreement.
Much of the 24,000-square-mile desi peninsula could be returned to Egypt without serious controversy in return for a peace agreement.
THIS COMPARED with 47 per cent responding the same way last summer.
THE MAIN FORCE behind shaping the new context of the West Bank debate has been Defense Minister Moshe Dayan, whose public speeches recently have been studded to the religious and historic "Land of Israel" and Jewish rights in Judea and Samaria.
More substantively, Dayan pushed for an open debate on the occupied territories in Meir's ruling Labor Party, forcing other potential successors to Meir to define their positions on an issue Dayan obviously feels he dominates.
Dayan brought the debate to a head by proposing in March that Israeli citizens be allowed to purchase land individually on the West Bank, a step that Eban and others assisted on the grounds that they would reduce charges for any negotiations over the West Bank.
DAYA FINALLY withdrew his proposal after Meir wilhheld her support for it. But he also resisted, as favored Dayan's idea, let newsmen know that Meir's opposition was "reluctant," and the idea of Israeli settlement in the West appeared to take on a more concrete form.
"the discussion chipped up visions of the stage coaches lining up for a dash onto the West Bank," said a Western diplomat in Israel. "It will not be put to rest easily."
In all, Jordan would get back about 65 per cent of the land area under the Allon plan. Diplomatic observers noted that the security "strip" Allon had previously referred to had grown into an eight-mile deep belt that stretched 50 miles along the valley. Allon said that as many as 30 Jewish settlements could be placed in the belt.
In any event, the lines between government and private ownership and use of land are blurred in Israel, where the government owns 100 acres of West Bank land are 250,000 acres of West Bank land are
estimated to have been already expropriated by the Israeli government.
DAYAN'S CAMPAIGN, which critics depict as painting the way for Israeli absorption of the West Bank and its 650,000 Arab residents, forced revealing responses to their violence and contenders to succeed Meir, Yigal Alon and Finance Minister Minis Haap Saip.
In late April, Allon sketched in the details for his previously vague proposal for Israel
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