4
Friday, May 4, 1973
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Two Faces of Nixon
The world must have become a little more confusing for Frank Wills, night watchman at the Watergate building, the night he discovered that piece of tape across one of the doors.
Thinking it was left by a workman, Wills removed the tape. When he walked by the door later, he saw a new piece of tape on the door. Frank Wills, suspecting some type of foul play, phoned the police.
The pieces of tape were only the beginning of a series of perplexing events that has not yet ended. Wills had stumbled on what appeared to be the core of a scandal, a scandal that is now known to have reached farther than a wire tapping device ever could.
Wills must have found the burglar's reaction to the police's arrival even more confusing than the pieces of tape.
One of the burglaries reportedly looked up at the police officers and said, "Oh, I'm glad it's you. I was afraid it was a burglar."
Wills must really be wondering
exactly what he had discovered
that they were.
Monday night on television President Nixon told the nation he had sought the truth about Watergate. Yet he is the President who appointed his closest associates, who were involved in the scandal, to investigate it. And now Nixon has appointed another insider, "fair and fearless" Richardson to the case. Nixon also stretched the executive privilege to make his aides immune from testifying. This immunity could only stand in the way of finding the truth.
Nixon also praised the press in his national broadcast. Yet he is the president who, through his press secretary, accused reporters of guilt by association in their charges of White House conspiracy. Nixon has been at the mercy of the press in the past months. Had it not been for the death of the head of the guilt of White House personnel such as John Dean III, Nixon probably wouldn't have been forced to explain himself to the people Monday night.
Also confusing is Nixon's attitude toward the bugging operations. Nixon has condemned those persons who, without his knowledge, tapped the phones of the Democratic party. Yet his is the administration that he describes as "the general surveillance. His former attorney general, John Mitchell, was an originator of the policy that allowed the executive branch of the
government to listen in on anyone it wanted if the listening would help to protect domestic security. Only after the Watergate shakeup was the executive branch's policy declared unconstitutional.
Nixon, in the most perplexing question of the whole scandal, has portrayed himself as innocent and ignorant of the illegal activities of his staff. Are the American people to believe that an experienced politician did not know that money was going to people all over the country in hundreds of thousands of dollars for campaign purposes?
Could Nixon's workers have manipulated the campaigns of Muskie, Humphrey and McGoventry even before they were without Nixon knowing about it?
And why the reaction of the Watergate burglaries? Did they believe so firmly that their actions had been approved at the top that they thought the police were in on the break-in, too?
These questions might have logical answers. Nixon might not have approved the activities of his aides. But if Nixon had prior knowledge of Watergate, it seems that he must have had more post-knowledge than he has publicly admitted. Why didn't he know before March the extent of Watergate? What reason did Mitchell give Nixon for his resignation?
It seems unlikely that Nixon would be the victim of such a breakdown in communications among his staff. He has surrounded himself with many lawyers and good friends. If these are as trustworthy and faithful as Nixon was, and as friends, didn't they inform him of the secret activities long ago?
It would be a relief to believe that Nixon was not personally involved in Watergate. He certainly seems well equipped enough to know not to approve the plan. Perhaps the public will never know his true role in the scandal.
The public can be sure, however, that Nixon will set out to fulfill his pledge of restoring public confidence in government. Perhaps his administration is completely purged, or he has more profound goal of creating a land where everyone can 'dare to dream not in fear but in hope.'
The sad part is that the purging process might take more time than Nixon may have. He caneans may still not know a land free from fear while Nixon is in office
—Barbara Spurlock
WASHINGTON-H.-H. Haldeman, the ousted White House major domo, personally pulled the strings that opened the prison doors for ex-Teamster boss Jimmy Hoffa.
Jack Anderson
Haldeman Aided Hoffa's Release
The incarcerated Hofa had been promised he would be free by Thanksgiving 1970. This was considered so certain that his wife was permitted to telephone the happy news to him in the warden's office at Lewisburg, Pa., Penitentiary.
Chotner's note to Haldeman was dated Nov. 3, 1971. By Christmas eve, Hofla was out of prison. His sentence was commuted by President Nixon after hundreds of thousands of dollars had been contributed to the Nixon campaign and after Hofla received a grant from the Teamsters Union into the Republican fold in 1972.
But for a year, the Department of Justice balked at recommending parole board turned him down twice. Not until ex-Witte House murder. Murray Chotinei com-mitted to Haldenman was action taken.
One source close to the Teamsters claimed the union had raised more than $750,000 for Nixon, most of it cash, during the 1968 and 1972 campaigns. Much of the money came from Las Vegas
"It appears that nothing substantive has occurred," wrote Chotin. "It is suggested that it should not take this long to perform if there is going to be any performance."
gambling lords whose casinos were financed by the Teamsters' pension fund, swerd our source. Another source close to the President told us the amount was that a huge cash deposit agreed that a huge cash deposit turned over to former Atty. Gen. John Mitchell, in behalf of the Teamsters, by crime-connected Allen Dorfman.
Mitchell flatly denied receiving any Teamsters contribution. "I was in the business of expending money, not receiving it," he told
Dorfman has been linked by the New York Times to Mafia mobsters who allegedly have been trying to cut themselves into the body of a man in the West Coast. The Times quoted from an FBI affidavit, which claimed Dorfman put Huffa's successes as Teamsters' fraternity. He fritzimmons, together with the Mafia members in California last February.
After his meetings with the mobsters, Fitzsimons flew back to Washington with President Nixon on the Presidential plane. Dorfman, meanwhile, began serving a prison term for pension fund fraud and jury tampering.
We have spent several weeks peeing together the story of Hoffa's release. Fitzsimmons made several approaches to Michel, beginning in mid-1898, and using the promise of parole by Thanksgiving 1970 however, fell through.
Suddenly, I like this wind no more.
A Great Disquiet
For behind this flapping of tree-leaves And this boisterous breeze I hear A beating of wings I know.
Does imagination deceive me
Or is this great wind at my door
The one that masks the passing of the Escort
I have seen come for big men before?
Questioned, it protests:
It is just passing by. And off it goes.
But in my heart is a great disquiet.
Could it be hurking down the corner,
Unwilling to leave alone, as I want it to?
A confidential file shows that Hofa's son, James, made a new approach in early 1971 to Murray Chotner who was identified by the police. Contrary to published reports, Chotner received no contributions or fees but assisted Hoffa for political reasons. On December 5, the Hoffa family friend, Charles O'Brien, spoke to Hofa by telephone.
And so this night, and other nights, must I wake
Till it rellents. Or, bored, takes off
To another Rendezvous.
A teamsters associate, who also got on the phone, reported in a confidential memo:
-Zahid Iqbal May 1,1973
"I told him that I passed on an information concerning himself to Mr. Pajaras who was putting out the papers," he said, the decision makers could make evaluations . . . (Hoffa) then told me that if he were out, not only would he be in danger, Union for the Republic putter 1972 but he could also deliver
many construction trade unions as well. He told me that Fitzsimmons could not deliver anything without him."
The contact man in the Department of Justice, thereafter, was Will Wilson, then chief of the criminal division. He told Chotner on Aug. 10 that both the President and Mitchell wanted "to get the Hoffa matter out of their hair."
Two days later, Wilson promised "everything either has or will be done by Aug. 20, to assist in the release of Hofa," but it would not move too rapidly (to avoid) premature stories in the press."
Still not happened. On October 7, young Hofa's name appeared in a letter to Mitchell. The letter quoted Wilson as saying that Mitchell had personally approved an "understanding that
the department of Justice would make a recommendation for immediate release on parole. I specifically asked him whether my understanding was with him alone or let me with you and the administration. He assured me that it was with "you."
Cholner subsequently sent Haldeman a chronological account of the efforts to free Hofa and a note suggesting "it should come this long to perform if there is going to be any performance."
The confidential file indicates that Hofa suspected Mitchell and Fitzsimmons of deliberately holding up his release. Chotner mentions, saying he "does not disucce the House" involving the White House.
Copyright, 1973 by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
Nixon's Speech Leaves Unanswered Questions
AP News Analysis
By BROOKS JACKSON
Associated Press Writer
WASHINGTON President Nixon's claim that his investigators hid the truth from him in the Watergate wiretapping leaves a lot of questions waiting answers.
The Watergate scandal long ago spread beyond the mere break-in at Democratic Headquarters last June 17.
It now embraces secret campaign funds, hidden documents, links connecting the White House and the Nixon Campaign to a mutual-fund relationship in alleged crimes by White House employees against the man who leaked the Pentagon papers.
MONEY: Two secret campaign funds have been found, and a third has been reported in news accounts. The Watergate bank received from a secret cash fund in the President's re-election headquarters.
The President mentioned none of these in his address Monday night, except for a reference to "alleged improper actions" for which Nixon said he shoulders full responsibility.
Here are some subsidiary scandals in the conglomerate now collectively called "Watergate."
A former aide to H. R. Haldeman, former presidential Chief of Staff has been quoted in transcripts of grand jury testimony as saying Haldeman kept $350,000 more in campaign
cash in his White House safe for unknown purposes.
News reports say investigators turned up a $500,000 fund in a California bank, used by the President's personal lawyer to pay a political sabotour, among other things.
RECORDS: Although the President promises there will be no "whitewash," his campaign organization continues to keep secret its spending, reportedly involving around $10 million, before last April 7 when a new law required public reporting.
Government auditors have urged that Nixon's campaign treasurer, Hugh Sloan, be prosecuted for failing to report payments used to give a phony impression of public support for Nixon's policies. Nixon hasn't said whether he knew of these dealings.
Nixon's campaign finance chairman, former Commerce Secretary Maurice Stans, faces a threat of a contempt citation for dragging his feet in turning over cartons full of records to court officials, as promised last month. Mr. Stans has said these documents contain payroll records of at least two of the Watergate conspirators.
Campaign officials have resisted a lawsuit by Common Cause seeking disclosure of secret finances, arguing that donors gave money before last April 7 with the understanding that their names would be kept confidential.
Vesco is accused in a lawsuit by the Securities and Exchange Board of Los Angeles for loading $2 million from mutual fund to be controlled. Several links already have been established between Vesco's filings and Nixon associates.
A representative delivered $200,000 in cash to the Nixon campaign last year, and reportedly asked for "help." Campaign chairman John N. Veasey general, then told Vaccen lawyers they could meet with SEC chairman William J. Casey. Eventually government auditors accused the Nixon campaign of illegally failing to cover costs related to Vaccen ahead with its suit and the campaign returned the money two months later.
Other ties to Vesco go back to 1971. Mitchell叫 the U. S. embassy in Switzerland Dec. 1 of that year when Vesco had been arrested by authorities on complaint, Vesco was freed on bail. The complaint was dropped.
a few days after that, affair.
Dec. 20, 1971. Nixon's domestic adviser John D. Ehrlichman met with two representatives of Vesco who were seeking help in a Lebanese bank deal. News accounts say Ehrlichman promised to help, but Ehrlichman denies it. The government has bassy in Beirut to disclaim any White House interest in the deal when he found Vesco's men were claiming White House backing.
Nixon also didn't mention the Vesco campaign gift, which his brother Edward reportedly helped channel to the re-election committee. A New York grand jury is expected to return indictments soon, according to news accounts.
Readers Respond
Senate Allocation Process Criticized
Funding
Student government at this university is in sad shape, and if it should be reconstituted internal conflicts perhaps it should be reconstituted in a form that is responsive to and advocates of student needs and desires.
To the Editor:
First, I take issue with present activity fee amounts, specifically for those students enrolled in six hours or less. The number of hours indicates that a student will utilize the services paid for by the activity fee to a greater or lesser degree than any other student. I recommend paying the student, taking three hours and paying $4.59 activity fee, to buy a football ticket, join any organization, utilize the Kansan app, pay $12 for the same privileges. The policy should be reconsidered.
This explanation wouldn't prevent disclosure of how much the campaign spent, where the money went, and for what purpose. The record explains why these spending records were being kept secret.
Our student council in the School of Architecture was asked by the Student Senate to enrol students through us for funding. We did this and CDC (Advocacy Planning) applied to our council for students to form a compasses several disciplines and is open to any students who wish to contribute, it has been made freely by architecture students.
Second, not every group, as evidenced by the Architecture Committee's priority to contest the Finance and Auditing Committee's recommendations or sub-committees to the senate. This is not representative government when it fails to even gain the floor to be heard.
adopted as one of our requests under special programs, submitted as part of our budget, cut costs and Auditing and refused appeal.
Perhaps it was unintentional but still it was refused, and now CDCs peniless for the coming election have been community service programs, which are organized, administered and controlled by students, simply because CDC students Senate Student policy requests.
The Architecture School Council held its own budget meetings in which specific committees and programs were reviewed, discussed and appended to the budget and adjustments had been made. The Council's budget request was the result of considerable effort on the part of elected representatives in the funds necessary to implement programs and projects that our council support in our school.
This organization has been funded by the Student Senate for two years. Last year it was approved a new council review CDC's request for $3,170 and approved a $2,350 request. This request then was
To have the Student Senate a cut of more than 90 per cent in the number without even considering it reeks of intelligence in responding to the challenges of the present day.
Third, to respond to comments made at the final senate meeting concerning confusion and lack of organization on school councils. Fourth, to have been operative with elected representatives for two years.
week. BSU, Blackett, Campus
wetts, Commission on the Status
of Women, Sierra Club and others
all received more funds than the
Architecture School Council. I
should not receive organizations
should not receive more funds.
I only say that there is something
out of balance.
Fourth, 18 organizations received more than $448, the block allocation to the Ar- tribute organization of one of these 18 is an elected body of student government as is our council. The Association of Finch Schools received $1,010, $400 of which is financed Chicago Awareness
This year the council met every Monday for at least an hour to conduct business. Has the Student Senate spent this much money on student requests and organizing programs to satisfy them?
to the 400 students in our
school, the Student Senate has
returned 5% per cent of their
activity fee. That's a meager
majority of whom do not have the
time to attend athletic events or
join socio-political organizations.
When the activity fee could do
the harm, we should the position
of students in our school be
academically and extra-
tracurricularly, why is it
diverted to so many groups
that are socially and/or
politically unimportant or seious
organizations or clubs?
The grossest violation of sensitivity to student desires is to condone a system that does not support an organization to support its request. For students, Student Senate, nor the opportunity to contest what appear to be arbitrary decisions by its budgetary committee, since we believe there is no chance to question these recommendations before the senate assembled
The representation ratio of our school in the senate is one representative for each 200 students. The ratio on our council is 10. Which is more likely to hear and respond to our students?
responsible representatives. I also challenge the senate to consider, at least once, the merits of a bill for the School of Architecture and Urban Design and weigh its justifications for the request against Finance and Auditing'sification of the recommended cuts.
If the Student Senate is to remain a viable representative body it should respond to the students whom it represents and representatives, no matter the level of representation.
I challenge every senator to respond by postcard to my comments whether they are in my statements or with my statements or opposed. I challenge Kansas with the names of senators who are responsive and
This letter expresses my own opinions. Endorsers merely agree with and support my thoughts.
Treasurer, Student Council of the School of Architecture and Urban Design
Susan Peterson
President, Student Council of the
School of A&UD
Clark Davis
Student Senator, School of A&UD
Cindy Steinger
Student Senator, School of A&UD
Distilled
Clark Davie
Student Senator, School of A&UI
VESCO: Financier Robert
I wonder where Richard keeps it? Perhaps at Camp David. That's where he usually slides his hands preparing his addresses to the nation one he made on Watergate Monday night. Of what do I speak, you might ask. Haven't you heard of the legend of the political still.
To the Editor:
Perhaps a bit of background information is in order. A still is an apparatus in which one puts water to purify. Upon heating, the volatile materials (those that evaporate easily) become gaseous and are then condensed in another container as the purified liquid, called the distillate. So distillation is simply process for removing impurities from distilled water for our steam irons. It also how we get that biogas, yet more-poisonous-marine, narcotic called chemical
According to the legend, which
I'm sure must be true, Richard has secretly acquired the mythical political stillen. Here is truth about Watergate and dumps the whole ugly mess (crudue mixture) into this inference he comes back to receive the distillate—to be specific, Monday night's speech. All his speeches must originate in this manner. At least in the past, Mr. Watergate His volatile words simply vaporize, leaving a void which slowly is being filled with backstory and dinatates, which is destroying what
little faith I had left in his administration.
Through distillation (as opposed to whitewashing) of the foam in a whiskey purifier he wishes us to ignore. He gives us instead the distillate which he has made perfectly clear, unconditioned meaningless. Yet, how many people take it all in like the poisonous narcotic alcohol, letting it dull their senses and them to his reassuring verbiage.
Kenneth E. Kinman Hoisington Senior
KANSAN
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