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Wednesday, May 2, 1973
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Farewell
Four years ago the Class of '73 entered the University of Kansas with open minds seeking the wonders that a higher education would bring. Since that time many changes occurred in each individual and his University.
The Class of '73 acquired a vote inside and outside the University. This class saw its union building burn and the Union's reconstruction. We watched rallies in front of Strong Hall reach a peak in popularity, and then saw these demonstrations diminish.
We entered the University when Larry Chalmers took office, and we leave as the University's reins are taken over by Archie Dykes. We work to fight over curriculum and teacher-course evaluation surveys.
We have seen five student body presidents conduct the business of the students. One president proposed solutions for all of America's foreign policy problems; others directed their efforts internally.
We have watched our fees go for construction of new academic buildings as Endowment buys us mobile homes. We have crossed the once-white boardwalk and have peered through the windows at a building for which we have helped pay, but will never use ourselves.
The Class of '73 has spread the message of higher education throughout the state at times when the state would not adequately fund us. We have had our tuition increase, and now sigh in relief that we will not have to pay the tuition increase next year.
This class has gone to the NCAA basketball tournament and has a lot of work to do.
turf. And we have been fortunate to take the Kansas Relays on sunshine day.
It is difficult to sum up four years. It is difficult to remember how many term papers we have written and how many homework assignments we have been difficult to recall how many beers we have shared with friends.
We know that all is not right with our University. We know that there are many problems we have not solved and some problems that we have created. We know that the University has offered us much, and we believe we have returned a great deal to it.
For some of us next month marks the first days on the path of a new career. For others a summer job lies ahead with hopes of graduate study. And for a few of us jobs are not available.
We look back now and think of our first thoughts as we climbed Mt. Oread, a hill we know all too well. We hoped for answers, and we have discovered there are only those answers we find ourselves. We hope for peace in the world, and we hope for a more open-mindedness. We idolized a few outspoken politicians and wept when they were killed.
And so four years later, a few A's and many C's later, our days as undergraduates cease. Farewell KU. May the students you open your doors to in future years be as lucky as we. May the students who follow us realize their shortcomings, and take advantage of your offerings
Farewell KU. Thank you for having allowed us this friendship, one that will remain in years to come.
—R. E. Duncan
"CHECKERS? CHECKONES..."
13,340 Industrial Poisons Imperil Factory Workers
—Certain dye ingredients and
By BROOKS JACKSON
Your job may make you sick with anything from skin rash to lung cancer.
While some labor unions show increasing concern over this age-old problem, the Nixon administration is trimming the staff size of the tiny agency assigned to solve it.
The workplace is full of industrial poisons. Consider:
-Dust from cotton, coal, silica or other substances can clog or scur your lungs. Asbestos does this and studies show that asbestos who breathe the asbestos fibers have higher rates of lung cancer.
—Fumes from benzene, a common solvent and chemical compound, can send you into convulsions. Printing pressmen who breathe fumes from benzene can have an excessive rate of lemmiax.
some emissions from steel industry coke ovens are proven causes of cancer.
So far the government has counted 13,340 industrial poisons, and the list is growing as efforts to improve safety and health conditions in the workplace increase.
Since the era of sweatshops ended, early in this century, little prolonged attention has been paid to job health. Unions have contributed to the increase in wages, Polio, cancer and heart researchers have been more in the lightline than public health officials. Safety officials, the public and government have been concerned about auto accidents.
But, by one rough government estimate, 100,000 workers die before their time each year because of occupational illnesses. It's nearly double the yearly highway death rate for all persons.
James J. Kilpatrick
WASHINGTON—Several months ago a distinguished committee, headed by Prof. Paul Freund of Harvard, recommended creation of a new National Court of Appeals as a means of relieving the work load of the U.S. Supreme Court. I believe, on the basis of its size and location with Law Week at hand it may be an appropriate time to renew the discussion.
Mini-Court No Solution
No person who follows the work of the Supreme Court would deny Freund's statement of the facts. Over the past 35 years, the court has repeatedly asked the Court has nearly quadrupled, from 983 in the 1935 term to 3,643 in 1971. The burden of reading these petitions, screening them and selecting perhaps 150 cases for formal review by a high commission is beyond question a heavy burden.
Nothing suggests that the flood is likely to subside. It is a part of our English-speaking inheritance, perhaps, that Americans deeply love to litigation. The notion that our lilies can be solved by passives must not be ignored in our national character; and once a law has been passed, it must be interpreted, parsed and dissected; it must be chipped into bits like chicken liver, the better to make a mate of judicial construction. My beloved Commonwealth of Virginia not long ago amended its Sunday Blue Law, which requires us to comprehensible, and the lawyers are playing happy games in the fox.
The great bulk of the Court's growing barricade, of course, is not in civil law but in criminal law. The Court's own system is
wind of liberalizing decisions having to do with the rights of the accused and with the admissibility of evidence. Now the Court is reaping the whipperwhind. Burger is reaping the whipperwhind. Prisoners in state and federal institutions, seeing a chance of escape through judicial hatches, are filing petitions seeking review of convictions, frivolous, but all of them have to be reviewed.
It was the fear of the Freund committee that unless this task of screening could be lightened, the quality of the Court's work inevitably would suffer. The nine grand juries would be abundant time for reflection, for reading and for extended discussion among themselves. But one can imagine it is difficult to engage in contemplative scenes in court where carts are rolling in whole grocery carts filled with records, petitions and exhibits.
The committee's answer to the problem is a National Court of Appeals, composed of seven judges drawn from the Federal Court. The committee is eligible for Supreme Court review would go first to the new court, which would screen out 400-500 likely petitions and send them on to the Supreme Court. From these the Court would select perhaps 150 for final action.
The plan has this much merit: It would in fact relieve the nine members of the Supreme Court from the most tedious labor they now perform; and it would, presumably, give them additional time for reflection. But this is a drastic reform that
But a new attitude seems to be emerging toward job health. The rubber worker union has written to the unions requesting the latest contracts. A printer's union is pressuring newspapers to hire a cleaner, dust and fumes around them.
is being proposed, and drastic reforms ought not to be adopted if any illness less
Eugene Gressman, a Washington attorney who served 30 years ago as a clerk to Justice Frank Murphy, has written a solid—independ, a devastating—critique of the Freund proposals in the March issue of the Journal of the American Bar Association. He accepts the statistical facts, but he makes the point that the Court somehow is keeping up with the flood: The court should not ignore current cases. The docket is under scrutiny.
The Freund Report persuades me that the Court has serious problems; but Gressman's rebuttal convinces me the mini-court is not the proper answer. For the time being, at least, the country will go on listening, and the prisoners will be given the opportunity they will have to look at the grocery carts, and siuh, and keep on screening as before.
If the new court were created, Gressman observes, the Supreme Court will have yielded the discretion that is the “very essence” of its jurisdictional power. This discretion, he writes, “born not of rules but of values,” and interests and feelings of nine individual justices.” The question of accepting a particular petition is often a matter of “feel.” It is a matter, as Holmes once said, of recognizing cases “which have in them some sense of some theory, and thereof of such personal change in the very tissue of the law.”
The Chemical and Atomic workers Union of the AFL-CIO is a union of chemical and chemical plants of Shell Oil Co., which refuses to accept a safety-and health clause already adopted by most big oil companies.
(C) 1973 Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
The Labor Department's 500 job safety inspectors devote primary attention to cutting hazardous dusts and dustes as logging and long-shoring. But they also give some attention to sniffing out five well-known industrial poisons: sulphur dioxide, dust and carbon monoxide.
Meanwhile, the Department of Health, Education and Welfare is spending less for research into job health than it spends for dental or eye research. And it also depends on training new industrial health specialists, despite an admitted national shortage of them.
The explosion of technology in this century has brought its own poisons, some of them especially dangerous because their toxic properties aren't found until workers have become ill.
The space-age metal beryllium, for example, was thought to be nontoxic so recently as 30 years ago. Now it's known that inhaling beryllium dust can cause disabling lung disease.
Researchers are turning up unexpected new problems in some old and widespread job hazards.
Noise, long known as a threat to hearing, is now thought by some researchers to cause heart attack in patients with severe vessels, headaches, nervousness and sleepiness. There is new evidence that carbon monoxide, deadly in high doses, can cause brain damage in long exposure to lower doses.
Federal investigators now are trying to find why dentists seem less than other people, who hair-dressers seem to have more lung and bladder cancer and why doctors seem to have more miscarriages.
This research is being done by the two-year-old National Institute for Occupational Health, which was set up within HEW by the job-safety act. The institute has a low priority in the Nixon administration. Its goals are to improve the million, less than half what the government spends on the Smithsonian Institution.
Jack Anderson
Lighter Side Of Watergate
WASHINGTON - The Watergate乐队, set to music, would make splendid comic opera. Here are just a few less-than-fiction examples.
The Left-Handed Pitch: G. Gordon Liddon, Watergate ringleader, tried to impress a couple of girls in Detroit by holding his hand over a fanning candle. His hand was so badly burned that it almost spoiled his Watergate presentation before Aity. Gen. John Mitchell, White House counsel John Dean and campaign aide Jeb Stuart Magruder in Mitchell's office Fb. 4, 1072.
Liddy brought along huge, fancy charts to illustrate the bugging operation. Because he couldn't carry the cumbersome charts in his injured right hand, he jugged them awkwardly in his left. This trouble with the charts detracted from his otherwise slick, Madison Avenue presentation of the Watergate crime there in the citadel of law and order.
**Bugging on Credit:** President Nikon's fund赔款 stashed millions in campaign boobie across the country, yet they still haven't paid for all their bugging equipment the Watergate wiretappers were carrying when they took over the company. The company owes $13,600 to Michael Stevens, whose Chicago company supplies the buggers with sophisticated electronic devices. Some of the equipment was actually in use, but six custom-made, high frequency transmitters and receivers, four of them suitable for bugging rooms, the other two intercepting phone conversations, were ordered but never picked up.
Oliver's Secret: Hundreds of thousands of dollars were spent on the watergate bugging and its consequences. Lost in all the hullabaloo has been the fact that no one else had ever done it.
A wiretap was successfully installed on the office phone of Democratic party official Spencer Oliver. The first problem was that there were two Spencer Olivers, father and son. The most momentous information picked up by the wiretappers was that one of the Spencer Olivers was planning a trip to either North Carolina or South Carolina to talk to North Carolina's former governor, Terry Sanford.
Aliases and Disguises: The Three Stooges of the Watergate Follies—Liddy, Hunt and McCord—took elaborate precautions to conceal their nefarious activities. Hunt sometimes wore a preapestorous red wig to go with his patrician looks. All three used assumed names, carried false identification, communicated by pay phones and exchanged cryptic messages.
One of the conspirators, James McCord, surreptitiously came for some of the equipment at 3 o'clock one morning. Through his attorneys, McCord acknowledged the purchases and said he had paid $4,500 in cash, leaving the balance due. Devan Shumway, spokesman for the President's committee, told us "it would be inappropriate to pay any such bill for equipment alleged for illegal purposes."
Nevertheless, the crew broke into the Democratic lair and was arrested at gunpoint at 2:30 in the morning. The news caused panic and calls from the media to a kiddy pressed phone call Devan Shumway to explain they had a minor civilations problem" at the Committee for the Re-Election of the President.
Day After Watergate: on the eve of their arrest, the Watergate burglar-bugging crew had trouble gaining access to Democratic headquarters. Bernard Barker telephoned a cryptic message to Liddy Gates, having key trouble. Trouble with the "car key", he added mysteriously.
So the ex-CIA agent remained locked in the dining room all night, sleeping in a closet. He finally escaped the a.m. after the office opened. He met with people.
Spy in a Closet: Whodunit writer E. Howard Hunt, another Watergate conspirator, was assigned to reconnoiter the Watergate layout. He tried to enter through a dining room, but couldn't get a connecting door open without alarming a guard.
As the news spread, officials began removing and destroying sensitive documents. Liddy began churning documents through a small shredder, then rushed upstairs to a larger shredder that would do the job without harming Harmony, even shredded her short-hand notebooks, eventually.
Liddy's most successful pseudonym was "George," the real first Liddy he never uses. One day Watergate conspirator Bernard Barker the late James Hate House office and asked for "George." Puzzel, Liddy's secretary, asked for George. "Just who is George?" demanded George Lord Liddy.
Other officials, not knowing the President's campaign security chief James McCord had led the burglary gang, discussed whether burglars could break into their headquarters. Not a chance, campaign administrator Robert Oddi assured them. He told them he had brought in an experienced security man to equip every nook and cranny with what. What was the man's name? Jim McCord, Odie told them proudly.
Strange bookkeeping: Stold McCord, the ultimate bureaucrat, tried to give Hunt's wife a receipt when she delivered the hush money to him in an envelope. Even Laddy signed small white chits with a special mark when he withdrew cash from the committee.
Before older Watera side aide Gordon Strachan delivered $350,000 in $20, $50 and $100 bill to the Wakeley apartment of campaign office Stella McFarlane.
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