4 Friday, February 16, 1973 University Daily Kansan KANSAN comment Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers. Hard Times Like a protagonist in a Hardy novel, the University of Kansas is finding that deeds of the past are inescapable. Small appropriations for faculty salaries in the past have undermined the quality of education at the University, and unless this trend is reversed, the quality of education here will continue to decline. A combination of factors has conspired to sap the vitality of the University. Low appropriations from the state in past years, a decline in tuition fees and small decline in private support have caused KU's financial欠惠. Some of the consequences of low funding have been a decline in faculty morale, a decline in the prestige and competitive hiring position of KU, and an inability of KU departments to purchase all equipment necessary. Low funding also makes it difficult to retain qualified educators. Personal hardships, or at least inconveniences, burden the faculty here. Some professors note that low salaries prevent them from attending professional conferences. Others find it difficult to balance their personal budgets. Research also suffers in an atmosphere of austerity. But the truly frightening aspect of low funding is the vicious cycle that it perpetuates. Low funding, in addition to lowering the quality of education, lowers the reputation of a university, lowering its attractiveness and discourages contributions from private sources. In short, low funding yields more of the same. The University of Kansas has consistently held a position of prominence among state institutions of higher learning in this country. That prominence is being challenged. Unless state and federal support for KU is restored, frightening now soon will become a nightmare—a nightmare in which the words "you get what you pay for" are constantly repeated. —Steve Riel Great Expectations Long live its fame, and long live its glory and long may its story be told. Three cheers for the democratic system. Representative government is so popular on this campus that only one student team had filed for a seat in the body president and vice president by the filing deadline Wednesday. The student code states that all candidates must file 30 days before spring break. The deadline was Thursday, so bring out those stimulants or bubbly depressants. Celebrate now, before mid-terms set in. You can always relent and party again next month after the election. A successful write-in campaign seems highly unlikely. It would be a lot of work. Write-in presidential and vice presidential candidates have to have been student senators. Their senatorial positions supposedly replace a petition of support to prove that at least 500 students approved of their candidacies, Candidates must run and actively campaign as a team. Considering the level of responsibility and initiative demonstrated in the past by most student senators, I doubt that a write-in campaign will emerge from the grassroots of this sogy campus. We, the students, have a toe in almost every pie at this University. A patterning horde of student representatives has crowded every nook and cranny of KU's governing structure. This breed proliferates with determination, but as the number of student representatives has increased, interest in student representation has decreased. The brave, courageous and bold clamor for increased representation to solve every crisis, real or imagined, from behind drown them out. —Linda Schild Jack Anderson Reporter's Jailing Stirs Outcry WASHINGTON - The jailing of my friend and associate Les Whitten has taught me a lesson about America. He was arrested in the act of reporting a news report that Ms. Whitten were violated by FBI agents who had sworn to uphold the Constitution. His notes were ripped from his hands and he was stopped from writing a story that would have embarrassed the FBI. Fireman's Story Dauenbspeck, a fireman two years, has a 2-year-old daughter of his own. Editor's Note: Earl H. Dauenpeck, 27, sat down in the quiet of his Philadelphia Home. Jan 15 and wrote about his rescue that day of a little girl from a burning house. He wanted to preserve the emotions he experienced the first time she lived. His story never intended for publication, was sent to the Philadelphia Bulletin by his wife without his knowledge. His wife said she had opposed his decision to become a lawyer. She pointed out that he was the first job, which I should have had from the very beginning." Rv EARL H. DAURENSPECK PHILADELPHIA (AP)—The call came in at 5:33 p.m. we hurried into our boots and coats, we had no idea what we were going to do. When we turned onto the street we saw a person who was seen by smoke coming out of the windows and filling the street. There was a woman at the third-floor window yelling for help, she was told to go inside the building and lead her to stairs. Arvived at the third floor I could hear a child's crily partly muffled by the noise of another fireman breaking windows with his trumpet. I tried desperately to figure out where the cry was coming from. I found myself in thick smoke, stumbling over kitchen chairs, tables and other household furnishings in the smoke-filled house. I picked up several things I thought might be a child, but I held them close I could see they were only a doll or a stroller. I crawled across the floor in what I knew was the direction of the child's crying. I could hear myself yelling, "For God's sake." Then suddenly there she was, all curled up in a corner of one of the bedrooms between some kind of a chest and the wall. I picked her up and held her in my arms as though she were my own little girl, and thanked God that she was still awake. She carefully and she and her mother were taken away by a Rescue Squad to a hospital, I still wondered if she would be all right. Soon after, I was back inside looking for someone else who might be trapped in the burning building. There was no one else. We put out the fire, cleaned up and returned to our station. Back at the firehouse, I called the Rescue Squad that took the woman and the child to the hospital, and I learned that both were all right. The little girl was 2 years old and the mother was expecting another child. This was my very first rescue of a human life. No matter how routine my job may become, I'm sure I'll always have the beautiful feeling and sense of doing good that I have today. of the FBI. He had inspected thousands of the documents and had extracted the news from the reports of the country in vain for them. Then as the final indignity, Witten had showed up to witness the return of the first big batch of documents. Frustrated FBI documents, Hank Adams or to locate the stolen papers, swooped down on Indian leader Hank Adams before he could deliver the documents the last steps to the government. Witten was present to report the news. He was expected. The FBI he been emboldened, we now know by word from the White House t make a case against us. For th White House also didn't like who he had been writing. Our res crime, in other words, was to di out stories that made th be wrong, and to insist we must mistake about it. That's the onl reason 2 of Whiten was accuser I was outraged, of course. Then some heartening things began to happen. Sen. Ed Muskie, D-Me, met me on the desk from his desk and rose slowly on the Senate floor. Only last year, we had obtained documents from his own private files and had published some embarrassing statements about standing tall in the Senate, defending our right to do so Muskie said of the Whitter arrest: "The Administration has opened a new front in the Firs Amendment." for details of the arrest. He said he would seek a probe of FBI activities. Another legislator who has felt the prick of our needle, Rep Peter Closkey, R-Callif, phoned us Sen. Frank Moss, D-Uttal, took the Senate, "Now the Administration has achieved the goal of giving the means to strike back at the dynasty of muckrakers which leads from Upton Sinclair and Lincoln Beinecke through new zealand and New Zealand Jack Anderson and Les Whitten." Rep. Lloyd Meeds, D-Wash., chairman of the House Indian Affairs subcommittee, invited us to testify on what we have learned about the government's mistreatment of the Indians. Rep. John Moss, D-Calif, said he was urging the House Freedom of Information Committee to make a formal inquiry. And Rep. Jerome Waldie, D-Calif, charged the Nixon Adjournment to systematize and conscious campaign to harass reporters. The moment Rep. Ogden Reid, D-N.Y., heard of the arrest, he phoned Written's wife, Phyllis. Fred Rooney, D-Pa., didn't hear about it until later. Then he put in an immediate call to the police and asked his personal bond if necessary. Sen. Jim Abourdez, D-S,D, also made inquiries on behalf of both Whitten and Dan. In the Maryland legislature, Charles Docter offered a joint resolution saying the arrest "smacks of harassment of newspaper reporters and censorship of news, which cannot be tolerated in a democratic society." The outpouring of editorial support was also overwhelming. “Mr. Whitted and Mr. Anderson are being punished for revealing the contents of the papers—not only that he was bound to them,” the Nashville Temesnew wrote in an editorial. “If the reporters had concealed the contents instead of writing about what happened, the arrest would have been made.” The Buffalo Courier Express wrote, "This brazen attempt to intimidate reporters by arrest, public humiliation and jailing is a frontal assault on investigative reporting which, if successful, could mean that no news about the incident would ever be printed unless government officials wanted it to be." "Actually," wrote the Reading Times, "the (Indian) papers were paid for by the taxpayers and they would pay the public long one. One thing we are sure of, we haven't heard the end of this arrest. Those who know Jack Anderson knew he not one, but neither it's with the FRI or ITT. But perhaps most gratifying of all was the flood of letters from everyday Americans who ledged their support. They angered from a conservationist executive who sent Whitten a bountie cake with a file sticking out of it. The businessman who wrote simply, "I just learned of your unfortunate situation with the government and wanted to lend you some support." Yes, Whitten's experience has strengthened, not shaken, my faith in America. Nicholas von Hoffman San Jose Parents Get Power Via Schools' Voucher System SAN JOSE, Calif. — This town has the feeling of a gigantic truck stop, a flat valley city of ever-proliferating Shell stations and Taco Bell franchises. Not a town where you'd expect to find something singular happening, but in the Alum School District on Copyright, 1973 by United Feature Syndicate, Inc. Can Economic Elixir Strengthen U.S.? BY JOHN CUNNIFT AP Rucinace Analvet By JOHN CUNNIFF NEW YORK—Many economists believe that in the past 18 months of dollar crises and attempted solutions, the nation has cut ties with the past and with old ideology and maybe has severed the irons that made it a dragging giant. The past was the post-World War II world in which the United States served as a banker, protector of sea ships, teacher, non-communist nations. But now the United States is no longer the most talented and productive competitors. Despite this, much of the world adhered to old notions. While berating the United States for not putting its house in order, other nations have used the web of obstacles to U.S. sports to prevent the desired order. Peel out the outer layer of almost any international economic years and you'll find the U.S. payments deficit at the core, ranking and sourcing economic, and even social relations. Added to this was the U.S. self- imposition of omnipotence, a leftover belief that was exploited during the late 1860s, when the nation attacked and slaughtered home and a war abroad without higher taxes. Inflation soon raged. The ankle iron that hobbled the nation as the crisis peaked was the growing international payments deficit. The old faith was buried in 1971, when the country devolved the dollar for the first time in its history and imposed price constraints traditionally deplored in a country dedicated to free enterprise. The deficit, or dollar outflow, fueled inflation abroad. And, because the economy is not available, they became less desirable to hold. They were considered overpriced, so those currencies had fewer of them for stronger currencies. It was the major element in Monday night's 10 per cent dollar devaluation. weren't. They stayed abroad. Moreover, other considerations were worsening the situation. In order to fight food-price inflation, import restrictions were lowered, and the deficit was reduced the deficit. The need for oil imports also added to the problem. government and its citizens have sent, spent or invested more than $50 billion more overseas than the driver has ever had the drain been so bad. If they had been returned to the United States in payment for American goods, there wouldn't have been a problem. But they Some of what left came back, of course, because the United States is a big exporter of goods, because forglers want to invest and trade with them, and because investments and dividends are now returning dividends. It was carried in the pockets of tourists bent on a good time and sent there as investment capital by American companies. But billions didn't come back. Foreigners chose not to buy American, partly because prices were high, the result of inflation. But, even when that was reduced, the problem remained. economists interviewed before the Feb. 12 devaluation believed the worst of the deficits were behind and the U.S. competitive stance was vastly stronger than in 1970 and becoming more so. The money went in many ways: it was used to aid friendly nations, to pay for huge imports of German and Japanese goods, and to support military establishment in Europe and to support the war in Vietnam. Albert Cox, chief economist for Lioned D. Kide, consultant, said, “In terms of the last 100 years of American history, the economy will go through a process to the rest of the world’s economies, it looks darn good.” In spite of problems, many If returning strength was noted before the devaluation, the economy will be much stronger. It could also be a 'action', many economists feel. Among immediate possible effects of the devaluation is an influx of dollars to the American stock market because shares now can be purchased by foreigners for 10 per cent less. A devaluation is a recognition of reality, that a currency is worth only what the market is willing to pay for it and not what it has its value. And recognition of reality is seen as economic sanity. A deficit which lasts many years is considered a weakness, suggesting that a nation is living beyond its means. Continued, it distorts currency relationships and, eventually, world trade. Big deficits also are reflected in the job markets. If the United States has an imbalance, as it has, with Japan and Germany, it means that these nations are more to us than we to them. If continued for years, it means depressed employment in the American industries affected. These are the U.S. payments deficits-surpluses for the past 10 years: 1963 minus 1.9 billion 1964 minus 1.5 billion 1965 minus 1.3 billion 1966 minus 1.1 billion 1967 minus 1.4 billion 1968 plus 1.6 billion 1969 plus 2.7 billion 1970 minus 9.8 billion 1971 minus 9.8 billion 1972 est minus 11.6 billion How do you remedy such a situation? To say simply that you lower U.S. spending abroad while encouraging foreign spending is here merely to define the question. The question is how to do it. After years of relatively ineffective action, the United States felt a critical need for a sudden devaluation that, in turn, could make its competitive and imports more costly, thus reducing the deficit. A dollar devaluation means that Americans must pay out more dollars for foreign goods, so imports are discouraged. In contrast, American exports to foreign nations become less expensive and foreign currency is worth more. 1963 plus 5.2 billion 1964 plus 6 billion 1965 plus 4.8 billion 1966 plus 3.7 billion 1967 plus 3.8 billion 1968 plus 0.6 billion 1969 plus 0.6 billion 1970 plus 2.2 billion 1971 minus 7 billion 1972 minus 6.4 billion Eventually, it is hoped, devaluation will correct a negative correction hasn't appeared yet seems less discouraging to private and government trade unionists those who trade in currencies. This is the trade balance, one segment of the payments balance: In maintaining a payments and trade balance or surplus, fund managers should help ensure limitations on private investments overseas help some, but not all, of these investments eventually pay in a return flow. Import restrictions also tend to maintain a payments balance, but they also are considered dangerous antidotes because they kill all the foreign nations. Surcharges also have the same weakness. In fact, Robert Roosa, former Treasury undersecretary and now an investment banker, said he believed the return on private investments coupled with government and royalties on American technology would be a big plus in coming years. The best antidote for long-range payments stability is a curtailing of inflation. An infiltration rate lower than that of other nations makes a nation's exports more attractively priced. Inflation is shadow and substance of a deficit. If one is surprised, you should also for big government spending, whether overseas or at home; if it doesn't contribute to economic growth, creating or worsening inflation. The U.S. payments deficits deepened as inflation persisted. From January 1968 to January 1970, prices climbed 5.5 per cent in the United States, compared to only 2 per cent in Germany and 3 per cent in Italy. The deficit has worsened. What caused inflation? Big spending for war without a compensating tax increase, for one thing. The continued burden of war has pushed the world and social programs at home. Lagging productivity. But international tensions may be easing. The war is wound up because the United States has wound up. The United States now has the lowest consumer price inflation of any trading nation. It came from March 171 to March 172. United States, 3.1 per cent. Japan 5.0 United Kingdom, 6.5 Japan, 3.0 Italy, 6.0 Germanv. 5.9 France. 6.1. France, 6.1. Canada, 4.8 Later figures, when available for all nations, are expected to show the same relationship. Even before the devaluation, the United States was becoming more competitive. The imbalance in trade had not been reduced, but devaluation is impact is expected to show up this year. The 1971 trade deficit was the first since 1888. Still another is expected this year, but there is general agreement among the companies to be less than in 1972, perhaps below $3 billion and $4 billion. If the United States could merely improve the trade account to the figure attained in 1700, $2.2 billion, he points out, the entire payments deficit might be eliminated for 1973. Though trade is only one segment of the payments picture, it might be the key to erasing the entire deficit, according to Prof. Robert Ahlfer of the University of Chicago, a former consultant on trade. Of equal significance, he observes, is that fully two-thirds of the existing trade deficit is with Japan, which accounts for 18 percent of the United States has taken on trade with that nation and the value of its yen. To get even this one program off the ground hasn't been easy. the wrong side of the freeway, they are conducting the first attempt to put the long-talked voucher program into effect. "This is the only school district willing to try it," says Joel Levin, the program's director. "Literally hundreds of districts were told about it, but every professional who worked with me even the NACP, is against it. Christ! you're giving power to the parents." The families in the Alum School District are poor. Fifty per cent of them are on welfare. More than half are Mexican, and 12 per cent are black. The returns from the real estate tax were so skimpy last week that by $ per capita we spent on it over the per capita expenditure per pupil was less than half of what New York City spends. The Alum District is hardly the ideal place to out the voucher plan, a scheme which simply means that, instead of the state education system, you must attend unless their parents can buy out into private education, the school district gives the parents a cash voucher worth what the child's education would cost. The parents then use it to pay the tuition for their child at a school of their choice. In theory the system would produce schools and teachers who are more responsive to the parents' desires now that they have been changed into paying customers. Unfortunately, California law makes it impossible for parents to pay a pure voucher program because private and parochial schools must be excluded. This, as Levin says, is the ultimate form of local control, because the parents determine the allocation of money by the parents and children in. Unlike the school system we used to, here it's the principals and the teachers in the local schools who think up the competing educational programs the parents choose. These schools have a complete discretion in how it will spend the revenues it attracts. One program has bought itself a bus because it emphasizes This experiment has had to be limited to six public schools in the district, which contain some 4,000 children and 155 teachers. The six schools offer a total of 22 educational programs, vary from the traditional hickory-stick approach to a more modern pedagogy of pedagogy. The program that attracts the most students gets the most vouchers and therefore has the most money to spend. jetting the children out into the community's civic and economic life. Another has put its money in professionales, and so on und so forth. Thus far the choices offered the parents are essential differences in pedagogical methods. The voucher system could also be used to get school administrators and politicians on the hook on controversial issues. Sex education, for example, could be taught if it is one of others so that parents who want it will get it while parents who abominate it won't see their children forced to undergo it. Even this limited voucher program has only been rolling since the fall, so it's still years too early for making judgments, but some answers are coming in. You can go to School District, given what is in effect a complete freedom of choice in attendance, have shown no inclination to segregate themselves racially. Hence it may be that a voucher system would allow school may turn a child away could get us over this tedious quarrel about busing. It is also becoming clear that the voucher program is no simple mechanism that can be instituted by passing out copies of the new rules and regulations. It requires a school system in a school system, Joel Levin thinks it can be done, and if he is right, then the voucher system and Mr. Nixon's federal money that is making it possible here to afford more education at fair-rate schools in American public education since it was frozen into its present form back in the 1870s. (Washington Post-King Features Syndicate THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN An All-American college newspaper Kansan Telephone Numbers Newroom--UN-4 4810 Business Office--UN-4 4358 Published at the University of Hawaii in June 2014. 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