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Thursday, January 25, 1973
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN comment
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
At Last, Peace
President Nixon's announcement Tuesday of the imminence of peace was the catharsis in the tragedy of war in Vietnam. It is hard to believe that countless rounds of often fruitless Paris peace talks and unabstantial peace rumors have finally concluded in an accord.
Each step toward peace has seemed more tortuous than the previous one. The outlook became especially grim when intensive bombing was resumed in late 1972. But by some means the war ended on Saturday the peace will be formally signed and a cease-fire will follow soon after.
Some of the provisions of the peace, as announced by Nixon, can be greeted only with rejoicing. Within 60 days of the formal signing, American prisoners of war will be made aware that they will be made of all Americans missing in action. Then there is the cease-fire itself.
But one assurance made by Nixon is not so clear cut. He said that South Vietnam was now free to determine its own future, that it had won the right to do so. Aside from an assurance, there is little guarantee that South Vietnam's future will be its own. The accord apparently does not include a provision compelling North Vietnamese in the South to withdraw, even though U.S. troops will withdraw within 60 days of the signing. South Vietnam's future is still an open question.
As U.S. troops prepare to withdraw, it is a good time to rejoice. But it is also a good time to reflect on a war that has lasted more than a century. Only 50,000 American lives and has wounded hundreds of thousands.
One lesson taught by the war should have been learned in Korea in the '50s. It wasn't. Less than ten years after the Korean war, troops were again committed to a foreign nation, Vietnam. Success in both cases was dubious, and thousands of Vietnamese died in the process. The facts of the Vietnam War must be remembered, and must prevent future commitments that could easily lead to similar or even worse repercussions.
The power of the President to initiate such foreign military commitments must be finally checked by Congress. The Gulf of Tonkin resolution The Gulf of Tonkin resolution for the blank check that it was.
Domestic turmoil caused by the war, likewise, must be remembered. The turmoil caused by the war, that grew as the war grew, is clear indication that Americans do not want war.
Now that peace is at hand, on no account should the Vietnam War be forgotten. Its only enduring value is its ability to prevent repetition of a costly mistake.
Steve Riel
Administrative Racism
Problems in the American educational system are approaching the crisis level. In the Middle West, several cities have experienced crippling strikes. The questions surrounding school funding and racial balancing, two closely related problems, are often resolved. No long-term solution to these problems is likely to be developed.
Political scientists dealing in American politics have said that America stumbles from one crisis situation to the next. That the crises are approaching is recognized, but sensible, long-term and possibly unpopular solutions are avoided until the situation reaches the critical level. Instead, politicians prefer to fill the air with rhetoric concerning the impending problem, perhaps so that they may go on record as having been perceptive. It would be a rare thing to hear a newscaster declare that because of several years of careful planning, the school system was operating on a stable basis.
These problems occur as a result of the refusal of political leaders to take positive long-term action. They result in dissatisfaction with, and contempt for, the educational community systems becomes standard. The final, ugly result is prolongation of racism in America.
The greatest failing of the Nixon administration has been its refusal to take positive action to alleviate the inequality among neighboring school districts, and the racism that directly results from it. No effort has been made to deal with the school districts in the inner city and in the suburbs. Attempts at racial balance have been discouraged by the administration. Thus, the future
harmony among the citizens of the state, and to provide for the sake of political expediency.
The actions of the administration have not encouraged overt racism so much as what political theorist Anthony Downs calls "institutional subordination" his 1970 report on the prepared United States Civil Rights Commission.
Institutional subordination occurs when people in minority groups are unable to compete on the same basis as whites because they have not had the opportunities to acquire the skills, gain insights and broaden their horizons that their white counterparts have had. Educational opportunities have been denied them.
Because of its nature, institutional subordination is difficult to detect and may be practiced by people who pride themselves on their ability to overlook color differences. Therefore, the government must work to alleviate the causes of this subordination.
Deepening hostilities between blacks and whites are one source of growing conflict in America today. It is our inability to reconcile this conflict that political reporter Samuel Lubell calls the "hidden crisis" in America. The key to resolving the education. But how can people be expected to use this key when the government allows shortcomings in the educational system to grow into crisis situations?
The administration's failure to take definite action to alleviate differences between school districts should be damned for what it is: a lack of real and dark ages of racism in America for the sake of political expediency.
—John P. Bailey
Getting Along with the Colonels
WASHINGTON — A House subcommittee filed a bitchy little report three weeks ago, saying the Navy's decision to homeport a part of the Sixth Fleet in Greece. But the thrust of the report was American admirals; it was directed at Greek colonies instead.
The authors of this report agreed that the United States had legitimate military and security interests in Greece, relating both to NATO and to the Middle East. They could not convincingly
challenge the Navy's choice of Athens in the terms of the city's housing facilities and the like. This was their point:
James J. Kilpatrick
Members of the subcommittee, headed by Benjamin S. Rosenthal of New York, took a lugubrious view of the present government in Greece. It is not, they believe, "stable." There may be some short-term advantage in the homeporting decision, but there is no reason for a stable Greek government which will come through a democratic restoration." The Navy, they insist, should have chosen
"The circumstances of that choice indicate that our government is more concerned about obtaining the minor advantages and convictions of homeporting than the major ones, for example) than about expressing our opposition to the Greek dictatorship through a policy of minimal and cool relations until democracy is restored in that country. The world looks to the United States to stand up for democratic principles and if we shirk that responsibility we are ignoring an important principle on which this country stands."
Naples, Livorno or Taranto instead.
The authors' conclusions, viewed on their merits, have no merit. Whatever else may be said of the government in Greece, like it or not, it is stable. The colonels have been firmly in power for 40 years and are divided, disorganized and impotent. Restoration of what is euphremically known as "democratic rule" would invite a return of the chaotic conditions that obtained prior to 1987. If forces of the extreme left wing were to gain control, mean a swift end not only to democratic rule, but also to Greek participation in NATO.
By contrast, if "stability" is the desideratum, one may recall that Italy has had 34 governments since World War II. In the 1960s, Germany and Communists gained 2 seats for a record total of 179 seats – about 28 per cent of the chamber – and the neo-Fascist movement of Giorgio Almiranti gained 25 seats on the far right. There are those of us who love Italy deeply but do not know, for her "stability."
Never mind the merits. What is baffling to the observer of foreign affairs is the double standard one constantly encounters. Indeed, when it comes to our relations with the rest of the world, we seem to have double standards for double standards.
Surely this is true in the matter of Communist regimes. This past year saw the President of the United States toasting the Communists of China and Russia, and bombing the Communists of North Vietnam. It is equally true of dictatorships. Rosenthal and al-Qaeda have been known for their rivalships in Greece. They never cease to mourn the absence of democracy in Portugal, Rhodesia, and South Africa. But you will not see them standing up for democratic principles in
We see the same double standard in the matter of moral outrage. When U.S. bombings fall on Iraq, Russia sends a Soviet missiles fall on Quang Tii, it is no more than the fortunes of war. The history of the bloody invasion of Iraq is the history of the torture, mutilation and murder imposed by
terrorists from the North upon peasants of the South. This part of the history seems to affect congressional liberals not at all.
We ought to weep for the死 of war, whoever they are, however they die. And when it comes to dealing with government, we ought in charity to give some account to the taste of others. In
some millennium, all nations will be as democratic as the Eighth Congressional District of New York; meanwhile we ought to work with governments as they are. We ought to tolerate Greek and Arab generals, generales, African despoties, and else. After all, they tolerate us, or most nations do, that in itself is no easy job.
(C) 1973 Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
Jack Anderson
Secrecy High on Senator's List
WASHINGTON—There is increasing pressure on Congress to throw open its closed doors, ad hocly public meetings and the public observe its inner workings. But some secretive senators, who don't like the public watching over their members, are digging in their heels.
In an earlier column, we told how Senator John Tower, R-Tex, had fought against open Tex.
doors of the Senate Banking Committee. The bantam Tagen has been a stoope for the banks in the backrooms, and he would like to continue hiding his shenanigans from the public.
from the secret transcript,
here is the story of how Tower
maneuvered to keep the committee
meetings closed;
The move to open the doors was made by Senators William Proxmire, D-Wis., and Robert
Packwood, R-Ore. Packwood tried to reassure those who preferred accorby by telling them that they were the only workers in the Oregon legislature.
"Most of the press didn't bother to come in, very few of the public or jobbists," Packwood recalled. "And you remove the one stigma or onus that is always thrown at us about secrecy, and really lose nothing by opening them up."
LBJ Built on Truman Dream
Associated Press Writer
By RICHARD J. OLIVE
After Lydon B. B. Johnson extended his sympathy to Harry S. Truman's family last month on the day after Truman's death, he credited the 3rd President with setting the tone for the social legislation passed during his own administration.
Citing steps taken in regard to civil rights, aid to education and medical assistance, Johnson said were our laws, but his dreams,"
Johnson had the advantage of counsel from three past presidents when he found himself thrust into the office in 1963.
Deep respect characterized his relationships with Herbert Hoover and Dwight Eisenhower, with Truman. there was the moment when he grew affection, nurtured by more than 12 visits to the Truman
home at nearby Independence, Mo., during the 1960s.
"That little fellow was pretty much always on the right track," Johnson said of Truman.
His feelings for Truman, and Truman's for Johnson, were bestowed on Johnson for his Johnson flew to Independence with Vice President Hubert Humphrey, a good number of the senators and 29 representatives.
The Medicare bill, the concept which Truman failed 20 years earlier to sell to a joint session of Congress, was part of the Harry S. Truman Library.
measured by Johnson's gesture.
Before the signing, Truman said, "Mr. President, I am glad to have lived this long and to witness the signing of the Medicare bill which puts the nation right, where it needs to be right."
Truman, then 81, was overwhelmed by Johnson's gesture
More than 12 years removed from the hubbub of the presidency, Truman fumbled in gathering up his notes at the letter, then said, "I thank you most highly for coming here." He said he had done to me, well, for quite a while, I'll say that to you."
Johnson had known that Truman considered one of his most bitter disappointments in public life his failure two decades ago. He was a Congress of the need for a natural medical insurance program.
After leaving Independence for the last time, he recalled that when Truman went into the hospital early in December he proudly presented Medicare Card No. 1, which Johnson had presented to him at the bill-signed.
"He was entitled to it," Johnson said.
Griff and the Unicorn
Because he had been unable to pigeonhole him the Proxime-Packwood proposal, in other words, he was prepared to keep talking to prevent it from coming to a vote.
But Tower objected. "We have to consider the effect of our work on our own," he added, "the Senate." he protested, "In that it does involve broad Senate policies, we should defer action on it. Therefore, I move to table
Universal Press Syndicate 1973
Tower's motion would have had the effect of killing the open-door proposal, but not a single senator gave him verbal support. Later, he returned to the attack. "This is a matter that involves radical departure from Senate policy," he huffed.
Again, he asked for tabling,
and again, no one spoke in support.
But Chairman John Sparkman,
D-Ala, signaled the clerk to call the roll. Tower lost, nine to six.
But the tough, little Texan refused to accept the majority decision. "We shouldn't vote on a matter of this kind today," he said. "We still probably should keep the committee in session for some time today."
Packwood tried to pacify him.
"What do you then propose, John?" he asked.
But Tower not be appeased. "I can see all sorts of Pandora's boxes that would be opened, I guess, and I just don't be rushed and voting on the matter today," he growled.
Promire conceded that Tower could keep them there "until we are exhausted" and, therefore, tried to pin him down. "Will you agree (to) vote in two weeks, a week's something?" asked Promire.
Tower shook his head. "I am not prepared to agree to a time when I will go." Guy that is going to get the bad press on it, get in the Washington Post tomorrow morning, and so I am willing to take the heat on it.
"How does this committee reach a majority vote?" pleaded Proximie. "I have been on this committee 16 years, and this is the first time that I recall a threatened filibuster."
Footnote: In the secret rollcall, those who voted with Tower to
Thus, the meeting adjourned without a final vote, and the Senate Banking Committee's doors remained closed.
"Oh, now, Bill," pooh-pohed Tower.
But Proxima barked back: "Well, it is." In fact, he called it a "bold and barefaced" threat to block the vote with a filibuster.
I
The forms the U report comm defien
table the open-door proposal were senators Sparkman, Harrison Williams, D-N.J., Wallace Bennett, R-Utah, Bill Brock, R-Tem, and Robert Taft, R-Tem, and Robert Taft, Promire and Packwood were Senators Tom McIntyre, D-N.H., Adai Stevenson III, D-Ill., William Hathaway, D-Me, Joseph Bidon, D-Del., Edward Brooke, R-Mass, J. Bennett Weider, Loweil Wedler, R-Comm.
Watergate Diary
We reported recently that one of the Watergate defendants, Eugenio Martinez, had kept a diary, which government prosecutors had decided not to introduce in court. Quoting sources who had access to the records that led them to identify Martinez' contacts but provided an "excellent record" of the Watergate operation.
We have now had access to the white, leather-bound diary which indeed identifies contacts by initials and code names but does not provide a record of the Watergate operation.
Only five pages of the diary contain entries. The date 6-21-72 was scribbled three times in the diary, and the following each date. This was three days after Martinez was arrested with four companions inside Democratic headquarters at the Watergate. The initials of Martinez are be merely coincidence, but three names mentioned in connection with the Watergate affair are formerixon campaign officials Robert Odell, Herbert Porter and defendant James McCord.
Copyright, 1973 by United Feature Syndicate, Inc
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