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Thursday, August 1, 1974
University Daily Kansar
KANSAN
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
A Time for Learning
The last day of classes. Well, almost. For some that's a magic phrase. For others it brings on a smile. For malia for those golden school days.
Summer school is almost over, and some of us will finally get that vacation we've been dreaming about for the last eight weeks. Others will use the time to catch up on work they didn't have time to do. Another group will use session. Still others will use the break to work full time to help find the money to enable them to continue with school in the fall.
It's been hard and it's been fun.
perhaps some of its even been
practiced.
For most it has been an invaluable time.
For all of us it is a time to
remember that a vacation or a
business year is not a
cessation of learning
Now is the time to read all those books you haven't had time to read. It's a time to go out and do a lot of those things you haven't had the time or energy to do while going to classes.
It's a time to sit back and think, to relax, to really absorb all of that stuff that the professors tried so hard to learn. And it's a time to take for yourself.
To those who think that this is a time to get away from it all, this is the perfect opportunity to get back to it all, whatever "it" may be.
It's a time to do whatever is most important to you, and that's the best way in the world to really learn. —Liz Caldwell
Nixon Part of Our Political Culture
By NICOLAS VON HOFFMAN
King, Feathers, Sandraja
Question Now Is Whether We're Becoming Docile Slobs
WASHINGTON--Upon the fall of tyrants, bad rulers and vicious magistrates there is a traditional dancing in the streets and a joyful expectation that now, at last, a worst problem is at hand. Thus it was in Luckenbach last month and in Athens last week.
When the Congressional mob seizes on Nixon, whom its members so much resemble, and pulls him out of the White House, will there be dancing in the streets here also? Assuredly, they dance on dance on dance. But the bourgeoisness of America we might serve ourselves better by practicing some form of contribute contemplation.
is guilty but whether we are a nation of docile ables. Nixon is not the creature of a Greek junta or a Portuguese coup, but of our own political culture.
Not only did we elect the man, but we re elected him and did the same for the Congress, which with it but a very few exceptions, included the chains of knaves and crooks to the highest offices. More than that, we ourselves obeyed and supported the man through four war and vile peace until even our dedicated army would be under the weight of volumes of evidence.
So the question now is not whether Nixon
This is an idea that John Ehrlichman fumbled with when he testified before the Ervin committee and made sneering reference to the indulgence and protection accorded to the alcholic, skirt-chasing, shamming wrecks and incompetent among the ranks of those accusing him. His words about him had about certain Members of Congress thought to be notoriously drunk and abed in the performance of their duties.
But no matter what form the abuse of office takes, many of us, perhaps most of us, have known what's going on for a long time. How can any adult American pretend to be a lawyer? How can you contribute? Where in Sam Hill did you think that money was coming from? From "the little people?" How many people do you personally know who have ever made a political contribution unless it was to get a合同? We knew, we've known all together.
But we didn't know better. Americans were referring to politicians as a bunch of
crooks 75 years before Nixon, but we return them to office and obey them, for our part of the political culture is obedience and a lack of critical criticism uttered outside the barroom.
It is not too much of an exaggeration to say that most of such serious criticism about the way we run our public affairs comes from half-maddened, incoherent criminals—late-adolescent psychoses like the Nazi Army or street migrants from theugger in a movement had to violate the law before it was taken seriously, as did the anti-war people. The ordinary political processes had no room to accommodate such questions
The rest of us support the state, pay our taxes, allow the government to assign us a serial number so it can trace our every activity, and give such loyalty that we feel vaguely guilty for not voting for the same wretches we privately are so contemptuous of. On public occasions we even go through the motions of praying for the scoundrels.
How did we, who think of ourselves as the most individualistic of people, come to take such an acquiescent role in our political culture?
Why are we so accepting?
Part of that answer may lie in our schools, where the child first meets the state. "Political socialization studies have found that children learned in elementary school that good citizenship meant obeying the law. In other words, the children rejected an active citizenship for one that was alive and obedient . . . their attitudes were more positive. I once heard who suggested that the children fingerprinted by the government. After all, she stated, if you are good and obey the law, it won't matter."
But speculation about what brought us to cashier our President will probably be brief and none too loud. He will be dismissed as an aberration, an evil piece of luck who was unmasked precisely because of the health of his son. Ron Ziegler will snap his buttons off and drum him out of the White House gate onto Pennsylvania Avenue and take away Ron Ziegler's parking permit, there will be much to learn that the system works, and we shall dance in it until we learn lesson will be learned by the next Nikon, who will have figured out how to finesse it.
Haldeman Loyalty to Nixon to Undergo Ultimate Test
Register and Tribune Syndicate
WASHINGTON, D.C.—The loyalty of H. R. (Bob) Haldeman to President Richard M. Nixon will undergo the ultimate test when the former White House chief of staff goes on trial in September on charges of perjury and conspiracy to obstruct justice. And President Nixon, who no doubt will be impeached in the first impeachment trial ahead, cannot help being apprehensive about what Haldeman will testify to in his own defense.
Haldeman, who will be on trial for conspiracy to obstruct justice and three counts of treason.
To refuse to take the witness stand in his own defense when statistics demonstrate that there is more than 30 per cent confidence in the verdict, he has his own defense, and when Haldeman has
declared that he wants to testify in the proper forum of a court.
To testify and repeat his denials of knowledge of perjury by Jeb S. Magruder, of the payoffs of more than $350,000 to the Watergate burglars, or the destruction of White House records, in the face of witchcraft and White House hops to the contrary.
To contend that the President were victims of a clever deceit by White House subordinates, including former White House counsel John W. Dean, former special assistant John Ehrlichman, former White House appointments secretary Dwight Chapin, and others who have been convicted of serious federal crimes.
Haldeman is one man who could produce direct evidence—if it exists—of President Nixon's knowledge of the Watergate coverup. Republican representatives Dave
'I CAN'T UNDERSTAND WHAT THEY ARE DEBATING ABOUT
...WE EXECUTE ALL THE LAWS!'
Dennis of Indiana, Wiley Mayne of Iowa,
Charles Sandman of New Jersey and
Charles Wiggins of New York say they have
decided to allow any woman in the voluminous White House tweets.
The testimony of the former deputy assistant to the President, Alexander P.
"He was far and away the closest person to the President. There was no one more competent than Haldeman's role. He was everything that Sherman Adams was to President Eisenhower, in my view, a great leader."
I often characterized his role as that of the assistant president rather than the chairperson.
comment
Butterfield, now the Federal Aviation Administrator, has described Haldeman as "the alter ego" of President Nixon and added:
Because of Butterfield's testimony, many of the pro-impeachment members of the House Judiciary Committee believed it was necessary only to trace information to him to be able to assume that the information was transmitted to President Nixon.
Likewise, there was testimony that most White House staff members and Cabinet officers, including former Attorney General John Mitchell, assumed that any information received from Haldeman were directly from President Nixon and acted accordingly.
The White House transcripts tend to support the conclusion that what Mr. Haldeman knew, President Nixon knew, and that whatever Haldeman did was with the knowledge or approval of President Nixon, who saw those areas where the dutiful Mr. Haldeman automatically sensed what Mr. Nixon would want done and would carry it out.
While it was Halldemer who was responsible for the high level of discipline and the appearance of efficiency in the White House, it was his passion for system and centralized control that is at the root of President Nixon's problems today.
Officials Oppose Disclosure Laws, Quit
If a little loyalty was good, a lot of loyalty was better and total loyalty was best. In Butterfield's words, "Loyalty was the name of the game."
While White House aides and Cabinet officers expected a normal amount of political loyalty, the total loyalty was oppressive.
If the Johnson administration was praised for keeping an excellent record of decisionmaking, Halldeman, as the White House chief of staff, would produce a better record of decisionmaking in the Nixon administration.
If a complete record of memorandum and correspondence was good, why would it tape recording system be better than Nikon presidential library for history?
By The Associated Press
Some public officials are quitting rather than comply with the law, which require them to tell the voters how much money they must pay.
But many offloaders say laws that allow the public to peek at their bank books and tax returns go too far.
Alabama's law is one of the strictest in the country. It requires full disclosure of personal finances by all state, county and municipal employees who make more than $12,000 a year. Even college professors accustomed to the privacy of the campus world have suddenly been required to tell the public about their money matters.
Fifteen states have passed financial disclosure laws since Watergate and the revelation of 1972 campaign finance abuses. Fourteen others already had such laws on the books, and more are working on them.
The Alabama League of Municipalities says that some 15,000 public employees are affected and that about 300 have already resigned because of the 1973 law. Another 1,400 are ready to resign if court challenges to the law are unsuccessful. The league says.
Common Cause, the citizens lobby that has championed the fight for financial disclosure laws, notes that many states have passed such laws since the Watergate story was brought to the public attention.
In a recent survey of 1,502 households, pollster Louis Harris reported that a large majority, 68-per cent, supported full disclosure of big campaign contributions. However, almost as personal information was widely available, his personal account issued a稍逊 subject for public discussion.
In recent years, resignations have also followed the enactment of disclosure laws in Florida and Washington.
California voters last month passed a law requiring all state officials and about 17,000 local officeholders to report all gifts and sources of income of more than $250. A less strict law passed last year led to the resignation of nearly 60 politicians.
Common Causes say that since 1972 laws laxing local as well as state officials have been adopted in Alabama, California, Texas and Florida.
There is some evidence that the public doesn't even care to know about the private financial affairs of its officials.
More restrictive measures usually limited to legislators or state officials or call for less detailed reporting, were adopted in Arizona, Indiana, Maine, Maryland, Minnesota, Oklahoma, Texas and Wisconsin.
whether Halidman takes the Ehrlichman route and claims all that he did was on express orders of the President or whether he had received a petition certified Watergate burglar G. Gordon Liddy.
As they were shunning a written record in a manner similar to the pattern of former Senate leaders and his onetime Senate aide, Bobby Baker's recording of conversations that inevitably surface unless all of those who were there were locked in a perpetual pact to deny them the right.
If Haldenman, the disciplinarian, meant what he preached about loyalty being "the name of the game," he will take his lumps in Liddy fashion to protect "the office of the presidency" and the present occupant of that office.
Haldeman is the one man who the President permitted to listen to the tapes in late April to determine what kind of threat there was. He would present to the Nixon administration.
Thus in early 1971, Haldeman suggested installation of a taping system in the Oval Office and in Mr. Nixon's office in the Executive Office Building, as well as at various other offices at Camp David, Key Biscayne and San Clemente.
States that had pre-Watergate laws include Washington, Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, Nebraska, New Mexico, New York, Tennessee, Virginia and West Virginia.
President Nixon approved the setup that was so secret that special assistant John Ehrlichman was not notified of the taping system, although more than a half-dozen career Secret Service officials and technicians were aware of its existence.
President Nixon and Halderman, obsessively secretive and reluctant to sign their names authorizing governmental actions, will play the mechanism for their own destruction.
They set it in motion because both
There is no doubt that Mr. Nixon is counting on Bob Halderman to be the kind of "good soldier" who would risk a long prison term rather than break his word to the man he hated. The truth is that him truly the second most powerful man in America for more than four years.
Prosecutors will be watching to see
Student Homeowning Is Beneficial But Time Consuming, Locals Say
Representatives of several local real estate agencies, a branch manager of a local savings and loan association and several students who own their own homes agree that if a student can afford to buy a house rather than rent, he should. However, a student who owns several houses in Lawrence disagrees.
"I'd advise you to buy a house," Ermatt Williams of the Bay Real Estate firm.
A student who owns several houses in Lawrence and who asked not to be named
Another realtor, Pat Bodin of the Gill Real Estate and Insurance Agency, Inc., said students should buy rather than rent "if they can afford to do so."
"I don't think many of them would want to take the pairs to do the job. It takes a lot of effort."
said he would advise against students' buying houses, particularly for investment
Judy Philgreen, a Kansas City graduate student who owns several houses here, said. A student should think about buying a barn; he will be in Lawrence at least two years.
"We bought one house for $750 down and
months," she said. "It is less than most
months."
Local realists had varied opinions about the housing market in Lawrence.
"It's becoming a little bit smaller." said
Marshall Bigstaff, branch manager of Anchor Savings Association, said the housing market had slowed because of increasing rates and tight money. He said more students were buying homes in Lawrence.
39 to Study in 6 Countries
The 39 participating students will be studying in Japan, Costa Rica, France, England, Scotland and Germany. Last year nearly 60 students studied in foreign countries.
Ruth Riderferon of Holmes, Peck & Brown
Real Estate. "A lot of students do buy;
not many."
The University of Kansas will be represented in six countries this fall because of the Junior Year Abroad program, Ruth foreign study counselor, said yesterday.
In a contract sale, the house is bought directly from the owner, with a down payment and monthly installments.
"a lot of it is due to student who are
saying at the University for longer time," she
Students who go to Costa Rica for their year abroad left in February. Students who will study in France, England and Germany will leave Sept. 2.
One student will study at the University of Exeter. He will leave Seent, 28.
Students studying in Scotland at the University of Stirling will leave Sept. 10, and those who will be at the University of St. Andrews, also in Scotland, will leave Sept. 10.
Hull said the decreased enrollment was because both the government and general condition of the school
"It's no longer a matter of shall we send the kid to Europe or shall we买 a color coat," she said. "Now, it's a matter of shall we sell it." Now, let's send the we buy grocery or pay the rent."
She said that the cost of the programs depended on where the student chose to study but that the cost was roughly $3,000. The cost of the program in Costa Rica is $2,000.
Some of the KU foreign study programs are coordinated with other universities to provide more choice, she said. Among those KU cooperate with are Carlton College, the University of Colorado, the University of Minnesota and Wittenburg University.
"That amount covers round trip travel fare, room and board, tuition at the university the student goes to, and also administrative expenses here, since the student is actually still enrolled at KU," she said.
Hull said that the program was trying to involve more students and that the "for language learners" team out of 60 students who participated last year weren't in the College of Liberal Arts.
"With the University of Colorado, we have a more or less formalized agreement," Hull said. "But with the others, it's just free cooperation."
Sheila Jones, Wichita junior, will be studying at the University of Stirling in Scotland. She said the educational opportunity and a desire to travel helped her decide to study abroad.
"I probably won't get much of a chance to travel I have involved with graduate school or an internship."
Hull said the educational experience was unequaled.
“It’s one of the best educational experiences possible,” she said. “You don’t walk out the classroom and go home like you do here in the classroom 24 hours per day.”
Channette Mastin, whose husband is a student, said they enjoyed the house they were renting.
"More and more probably will go into apartments and condominiums," he said. "Most students don't have the funds to make major improvements."
"Students are like anybody else," Bodin said. "Some of the students do a lot of painting and decorating."
Williams said that the housing market was growing rapidly but that money was tight.
"We feel more稳重," she said. "It's our problem if something goes wrong, and we don't want it."
Beer is even harder to in Kazan, where Trud reported "even during the cold months" (Bradford).
The labor newspaper Trud, which keeps an eye on the drinking habits of Soviet workers, promised the Russian people yesterday that there would be beer, but only if the construction ministries responsible for building the breweries got to work.
MOSCOW (AP) — A grandiose Soviet scheme to fight drunkenness with an ocean of beer is bogged down by slow construction. There is a shortage of storage space and outlets.
A few years ago the Kremlin announced plans for 30 big breweries that would flood the country with an additional billion quarts of beer annually.
Many Russians say they would be happy to drink beer, but at this time the brew, like many consumer products, is in short supply. Even Zhigullevskoye, the beer that made the Russian town of Zhigullevsk famous, is hard to find in Moscow.
It was part of the fight against endemic drunkenness and was built on a theory that Russians could be coaxed from drinking wine but other potent drinks to drinking beer and wines.
Soviets Promote Beer
A new brewery was to have opened last December in Kazan, but Trud said that the
Trud said that in Rostov, a city larger than the Milwaukee, there are only nine bee halls.
Thirsty Russians in many cities line up to enter the few beer halls, and they swarm around kiosks that dispense beer in communal glasses.
plant was still not finished.
A spokesman for the Soviet ministry governing the food industry conceded that progress at some brewery construction sites had caused alarm.
It's enough to drive a Russian to drink—vodka.
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