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Tuesday, April 23, 1974
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN commer Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
KU Image Paranoia
The administrators have it all wrong. The University of Kansas won't be done in by naughty movies or drug raids or rape prevention campaigns. Paranoia about public image will do it.
Incredibly, a sarcastic question in one of this newspaper's editorials a few months ago about whether Lawrence's rapist would become KU's next public image worry has come true.
It all started when the Kansas City Times picked up Project Whistlestop as the subject for a background story on Lawrence's rape problem a couple of weeks ago.
tinen the Lawrence Daily Journal-World fired back editorially that "it is most important when力欲或不侵 newsmen attempt to make Lawrence appear to be the 'Rap' of the Midwest, particularly to the detriment of enrollment at KU."
And, sure enough, KU officials a few days later were expressing concern that publicity about the Whistlestop project would hurt enrollment here and were telling stories about questions from prospective students and parents unsure of the safety of KU.
All of this put the originators of the project on the defensive for having caused undue publicity about the recent spate of rapes. They had accidentally rocked the publicity image boat, something that has become increasingly easy to do.
But the danger of rape in this town pales as a deterrent to enrollment here in comparison with the dangers that faced prospective students four years ago.
KU then had an image as a place where they shot people and burned buildings and smoked dope down at Potter Lake and spent every other
day marching around protesting.
high school graduates were
sagely advising their KU-bound
personal belongings against fire.
Somehow, those things didn't seem to hurt enrollment very much. KU continued to grow in that department, and the students who came here that year haven't exactly compiled a shabby record.
That class can boast a Rhodes scholar and two Danforth, and KU sports, bands, debate teams and so forth have thrived. A poor public school has to have done little damage in KU's traditional fields of strength.
Of course, KU shouldn't simply forget about its public image. Cultivating the right image has proved crucial to maintaining and improving financial support, both from the state and from alumni.
Concern about the public image, however, should extend only to issues that have significant impact. The need for significant impact on enrollment.
That's because prospective students base their decision to come here not on the danger of rape but on the strength of KU's liberal arts program or journalism school or music program or debate team in comparison with those of the business community, they will stay away because they heard there was a rapist in town will be no great loss.
If Project Whistlestest really is to have an impact on KU's public image, that impact logically be in the direction of improving it.
A few rapes be no big deal in many towns. As Emily Taylor, Dean of Women, was quoted as "I don't mind," "I'm not doing something about it."
Which is better than paranoia any time.
—Bob Simison
Celebrity Madness
In a nation crowded with celebrities and their fans, the president is the biggest celebrity of all. Nixon would make an at- tion for Johnny Carson's Tonight show regardless of the political situation.
That is why it was so surprising and delightful that the Republican candidate in the special congressional election in Michigan lost last week despite Nixon's personal campaign appearances
Normally, even if the president's politics are unpopular, he is the biggest name available and his campaign is the greatest show on earth. People flock to see and hear the presidential rally, to stomp and clap and the minority to jeer and hoot at whatever is being said.
In the Michigan appearance, there were demonstrations of all kinds, and among the crowd the placard "YES, YOUR ARE MAN MR. PRESIDENT" could be seen alongside "GO HOME KING RICHARD." It is a characteristic of American political speeches that one mustn't passively evaluate the speaker's words and react accordingly but must howl and advertise preconceived judgments.
When Nixon came to Kansas State University three years ago and wore a purple tie to the delight of the cattle there, his words were almost always lost in the din of the acclamation of his supporters or the jeers of a small band of protesters. Nixon was constantly interrupted by both groups, and the speech became a contest between the factions in the crowd to see which could be the most obnoxious.
Many people said they attended the speech "just to see the President," regardless of the content of political expression. They went to see the chief celebrity, not the chief executive.
Americans seem to have a fascination for celebrities. A celebrity is anyone who makes a name for himself and may or may not have talent or ability. Celebrities are frequently seen on talk programs or quiz shows and their names, idiosyncrasies or appearances are the only professional requirements.
On his program last Friday,
Johnny Carson asked Carol Wayne,
a big-breasted blonde with long
hair, to give her voice, to talk
about her career.
"This is my career," she chirped.
Sonny and Cher are the best examples of the appeal of celebrities without talent. Once Sonny and Cher were a homely couple, they felt feelings carried their music. Now they are celebrities in the Las Vegas night club tradition who gesture, prance and preen with affected emotion. If you discount some exciting graphics and good comedy writers, the silicone ones make them look outfits and glittering lights, you are left with very little real talent and not much soul.
Yes, celebrity seems to have a pervasive influence on the attitude of the public. Unfortunately, it has even had an effect on the political sphere to the detriment of good judgment of talent and ability.
Bill Gibson
Strong Parties Needed for Integrity
Lawrence F. O'Brien has twice been chairman of the Democratic national committee; his office was the target of the Watergate burglaries.
By LAWRENCE F. O'BRIEN
ministration has dramatically heightened the public's loss of confidence in the governmental and political processes. I don't say this in a partisan sense. It is a fact that is recorded by every reputable public opinion pollster.
Through the years, many of us in political life—Demorators, Republicans and all the rest—have perhaps overstated what could happen if we did not provide every American with a secure and happy life. Though much has been accomplished, government's role in securing the good life has gone out of focus. And the lack of belief in the god of disillusionment and discourance.
The performance of the Nixon ad-
The administration's difficulties aren't just a question of Watergate, by any means. For all the presidential rhetoric about New American Revolutions and New Federalism, the present administration cannot hide the great struggle it has had in simply carrying out the rudimentary principles of government, surprisingly, have little confidence in a government that has continually demonstrated its incapacity to get the job done.
- MORGAN, MR. CONNALLY *
But I strongly believe that the present crisis of confidence isn't directed against a specific government, as some suggest. Our current system is far more complicated than that government simply hasn't functioned in a way that merits public confidence. The trouble isn't confined to the regime organized by Richard Nixon but, in a general sense, it also all governamental bodies, large or small.
The basic challenge is to find ways of making government function better. It isn't easy, but it can be done.
A recent survey of public attitudes conducted by Louis Harris Associates for the Senate's subcommittee on inference and context stressing evidence to support this thesis. As might be expected, the study found that a majority of Americans believe there is something deeply wrong in America today and that these aren't ordinary times of democracy.
This feeling permeates all sections of the public sector; no group has been unaffected. Moreover, in just 18 months, the public's concern over corruption in government, now standing second only to the public's fears about the economy and inflation.
However, various questions in the survey clearly revealed that the people—despite the depth of their cynicism toward government and those who govern—haven't lost faith in the basic structure of American government, nor have they despaired of making these institutions live up to expectations.
What is even more significant—and encouraging—is the finding by Harris that Americans still look to the farm for a box of goods to perform at least a quality of government which they seek and
which they still believe is possible. There is practically no support for any fundamental changes in the existing constitutional system or in our two-party structure.
All of this says to me that the critical issue in American politics in the mid-1970s is how the government can once again be made to function in a competent, fair and equitable fashion, taking account of individual concerns and, above all, acting with integrity.
Finally, an overwhelming majority of the people displays a potential for becoming active participants in the system—if they can be properly stimulated and made to believe that their views and actions would have an impact. To quote from the Senate study: "To make the system work, Americans would use the system itself."
I don't believe, however, that any single individual, no matter how attractive and popular, can provide us a total solution. We should have learned that the power of the "imperial presidency" has gone beyond acceptable bounds. We should also have learned that all the day-to-day governance of governing cannot be solved by a single president, however resolute and skilled.
The governing process will begin to work again when political parties play a more role in decision-making.
one in the business of government.
This means strengthened parties in Congress, the states and on the local level. This also helps American们 today renounce politics as a dirty business will realize are that politics is the surest way to get this country back on track.
Thus a paradox confronts us: At the very time when politics is so widely scorched, it is that only through the diligent, creative effort of our leaders can we recapture our greatness as a country.
Meir Seeks Final Peace Triumph
By ERIC SILVER
The Manchester Guardian
JERUSALEM-Israeli Prime Minister Golde Mier is anxious to go on an up-beat. In the twilight weeks between her resignation and the emergence of a new prime minister, he is forced to seal to leave for the history books.
Her best hope is a disengagement agreement with Syria, and U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger may find her more flexible than he expected when he comes back to the Middle East this week. The Israelis are discouraged but not deterred by the Syrian terms delivered in Washington a few months ago. Such negotiations will be hard, but they believe agreement is still feasible.
Ministers betray no doubt that they can take major decisions, even though they are a transitional administration. Business continues as usual. Foreign Minister Abba Eban is flying to London early this week to see British Foreign Secretary James Callaghan. Defense minister Jeremy Halsall senior appointments, sanctioning operations and rattling his sabre as if nothing had changed.
over the risks Israel dare take.
THE REAL TEST will come if the government has to seek parliamentary approval for a deal with the Syrians. Ms. Mair was a caretaker prime minister when the Knesset sent an envoy, largely endorsed the Egyptian disengagement, but the political situation is different now.
The parties know that they face an election before the end of the year. In January they were still bargaining over a new coalition. Moreover, the margin had declined as the Golan Heights than it was in Sinai. There is more scope for conflict
The preliminary round of talks with Kissinger confirmed three areas of difference between Jerusalem and New York, where the Israeli vacate in return for a separation of forces? What undertaking will Syria receive about further withdrawals? What sort of United Nations units will operate under buffer zone between the two armies?
IN THEIR FORMAL presentation, the Israeli refuse to contemplate pulling back west of the 1967 ceasefire line. They would, however, probably agree to yield the old garrison town of Kunetel, which has no strategic significance and is only about three miles down the road from the old boundary.
Kissinger has argued that Syrian President Hafez Assad needed Kneitra as a token of prestige. The point is that he has to have the return of three steep, conical hills overlooking the town from the southwest. The Israelis regard these as a military prize and the Secretary of State has been achieving a concession on this point.
The Israeliis are equally reluctant to link a disengagement agreement with any commitment to withdraw later from other segments of the Golan and the Jordan Valley would be too valuable to Syrian artillery. Nor is there any faith in President Assad's intentions. Only last month the Syrian leader publicly reminded Israel officials, "Palestine is not only a part of the Arab land, but a basic part of southern Syria." The Israeliis have duly taken note.
THE QUESTION OF TRUST is also central to the third issue—the status of the U.N. force. The Syrians are proposing that the buffer zone should be manned by observers and not by an emergency force (UNEF) like that installed in Sinai. The difference is critical. An observer corps of the kind now logging the breaches of the walls of a prison or the pairs of officers whose only job is to report what they see. They are unarmed and impose no barrier between the contending armies.
The UNEF by contrast controls its own slice of land. It displaces thousands of men, armed and ready to defend the city from an attack, but stop another war if one side or the other were determined to fight, but from the Israeli pursuit they would furnish themselves a triumph.
U. N. OBSERVERS were in place when the Arabs invaded on October 6. They were no hindrance. A U.N. army would have had to be ordered out, as
happened in Egypt at Sharm El Sheik in May 1967. Israel would be warned and would have time to react.
Kissinger's decision to resume his shuttle diplomacy has been welcomed here—as much as anything because it shows that he does not regard the Israeli negotiators as lame ducks. Ministers believe that the technique refined on the Jerusalem-Laxor circuit is more effective. The suspect, however, that the secretary of state will then have to revert to more conventional diplomacy.
The word reaching here from Washington is that Soviet pressure for a return to Geneva is becoming irresistible. The Russians will no longer tolerate a secondary role. They demand the US support, but allowing Kissinger to go on upstaging them. Their investment in the Middle East is too high.
Griff and the Unicorn
Readers Respond
During my two years at KU, I have attended all football and basketball games. It appears that this will no longer be possible in the future, in view of the incredible increase in ticket prices levied by the athletic team. To briefly review the financial data:
Ticket Price Increase Unfounded
To the Editor:
Activity fee allocation:
6:30am 10,000 tickets at 9:50 61,500
Basketball - 5,500 tickets at 9:50 61,750
Increase in football tickets 8.50
Increase in basketball tickets 9.50
Gain 146,750
Not only has KU now managed to raise its prices for the two major sports to a level comparable to big Other Eight schools, but also it has in fact surpassed most of them. It is hard to imagine that the Kansan Tuesday, April 16 as stating that "attending athletic events is still the cheapest form of entertainment on campus." Evidently Walker isn't aware that both the University Theatre and Concert Activity fee funds, are free to students.
Net gain for the athletic department, despite the loss of revenue from the activity of the basketball team last year’s $12.00 to next year’s $30.00 for the combined football and basketball tickets, a jump of 150 per cent. In addition, we have already suffered a 100 per cent increase this season in both basketball and soccer games. All of these increases seem at best arbitrary, for the athletic department hasn’t seen fit to present with a detailed report of the rationale behind these changes.
I join with student body president John Beinser in his protest against the ticket price increases and ask that the athletic department furnish the student body with a
detailed accounting of its plans for the additional revenue.
Piet R. Knetsch Assistant Instructor in Speech and Drama
Rules Are to Be Bent
To the Editor:
Richard Rubes Lawrence graduate student
Letters Policy
A couple of people in the Follow Through program had their salaries paid from the travel fund rather than the salary fund. So now there is going to be a big investigation, and the guilty will be punished, and order will be restored to the world. Nonsense!
What's happening is that we are letting our reactions to the evil of Watergegate blind us, because we're obeying everyone obeyed every little law and regulation, everything would come to a complete standstill. Bending the rules is not a good thing, and the machinery of society to keep moving.
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