4
Monday, June 12, 1972
University Summer Kansan
KANSAN comme
James J. Kilpatrick
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
A School Fails Change
An experimental school has failed. The West Philadelphia University City High School, an innovation among urban schools, is returning to "traditional"
A great part of the problem was that only 300 of the 1600 pupils were prepared for the new learning techniques. Twelve teachers and a core of 300 pupils had been acclimated to the programs of individualized learning during a two-year period. The teacher, the parent, the which was finished in December, was used to place pupils crowded out of other city schools, and by February had 1300 new students.
The school, which was built in a predominantly black section of Philadelphia, used learning units to teach its students. These units were geared to move at his own speed. The individualized instruction was used in all classes.
After the new students poured into the school, the teachers were divided on whether or not they should retain the learning units. The English and social studies departments kept using individualized instruction, but the math and science departments refused to. The students who were accustomed to the
individual approach were as unhappy with the compromise as the new students were. In a survey of the new students, 75 per cent chose to return to traditional procedures rather than continue with the innovative ones.
Contributing to the problem was the loss of some federal funding and the election last fall of Mayor Frank Rizzo. What does what he calls "frills" in education.
Once again the twin foes of inadequate training and insufficient funding have forced a school to drop a program before it had a chance to prove itself. Perhaps the problem is not the solution to the problems of the new Pekka. But "traditional" methods are, not, either.
In any case, this situation should point out that both students and teachers need a chance to get used to new methods, if they are to succeed. In addition, administrators need to fund new programs adequately. It's too easy to complain about how bad the schools are without recommending any constructive changes, and when the changes are tried, it's too easy to say the old ways were better. Let us hope the children do not suffer too much.
-Rita E. Haugh Editor
Convention Outsider
The need to be on the "inside" at political events is, I suppose, endemic to all who are in reality always on the outside. I am one of those perennial outsiders. My account of the events surrounding the Democratic state convention this weekend will no doubt lend credence to this belief. Reporters cannot always fill the role of public investigator. They must report what they observe, taking care to remove the rose-colored glasses some insist on wearing.
Covering state political gatherings is a new challenge for this reporter. To write about them, an unbiased public opinion column on newer, and perhaps larger, challenge.
What I observed at the Democratic state convention in Topeka this past weekend was a refreshing respite from the politics of the past four years. True, there has been much bitter debates between young and old, liberal and conservative.
Indeed, I witnessed one debate between two delegates over who was first in line for the last frosted malt at the concession stand. Both did justice by their party's emblem, a donkey. And yet the overall impression I gathered was that the women were the best in diversity in opinions between young and old, but rather benefited from it.
reception early Friday evening, despite the hot dogs and beans. I later observed the old, sitting on the floor, laughing, in one case even sharing a bottle of counter-culture wine, at a reception given for the young candidate for Secretary of State, Manning. That was what I observed from my position as an ubiquitous outsider.
More specifically, I observed the young having a good time at the Governor's
If these observations were valid, then the state Democratic party should be applauded. So also should the McGovern supporters who furthered the cause of their candidate by their positive action in the lion's arena. There were no martyrs in the convention, and was in definite contrast to the Democratic national convention of 1968.
Everyone seemed to be having a good time. But I was an outsider, trying to grasp the feelings of a convention that was essentially a product of the insiders.
One can only hope that the atmosphere at the state Democratic convention was a sign of better things to come when the national convention convenes in one month. The Democratic convention of 1970 ago made them all look rather like fools.
The burden will be on both young and old shoulders to prevent a replay of 1968. I hope they succeed as well as they apparently did in this state. To paraphrase the unfortunate chant of Chicago in 1968: The whole world will be watching!
Mark Bedner
WASHINGTON - IF our Republic dies before the end of this century, it likely will die not for us but for the institutions and our own internal frustrations. For an agonizing example of what we want to prevent in the latest child development bill. It offers a fine manifestation of our national talent for making
Child Development Bill Doomed
by any rational standard, or so it seems to me, this is a bad bill. To be sure, it is not as bad as the proposal in the Senate President Nixon vetoed last December. It its revised form, the proposed child development plan, is not better than the earlier version, at least at the outset, and perhaps it would not be quite so impossible to have been said, the best has been said.
The new bill is directed toward some 2,000 cities of more than 25,000 population in each of these states. Development centers would be created. These would not be more day-care facilities. The bill makes that clear. The purpose of the bill is to provide for children, but to develop them. The idea is to provide "educational, nutritional, health, and other services," including training in physical, "physical," mental, psychological, and emotional barriers to full participation in programs." The cost per student is estimated at $2,375 per year.
The bill proposes a startup authorization of $130 million for the fund. The proposal is followed by authorizations up to $1.2 billion in fiscal 74 and 75.
The bill was reported May 16 by the Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. Even Colorado's conservative Sen. Peter H. Dominick, though he voiced reservations, voted to call to the floor. He entirely probes that the Bill will pass.
The senators who have sponsored this bill, chief Mondale of Minnesota and Javits of New York, are not lunatics. They are good and decent men who are searching consciently for the right to ring from iron that hobbles society.
All of us are dimly aware of this imprisoning circle. The ghetto child, born to poverty, passes its first few critical years in an orphanage. There is typically no father around; the mother works; the infant is dumped with any baby-sitter who may be hostile to them. Emotional needs are left unattended. He gets off to a poor start in kindergarten or the first grade. It is difficult for him to develop the male child of this milieu grows up to rob service stations and the female child to spawn illegitimate offspring upon the process all begins new.
If this dispensing cycle could be broken for $2,372 per year per taxpayer, the best money the taxpayers ever spent. Twenty years down the road, the program might deliver productive, law-abiding citizens.
But it is part of the frustration that no convincing evidence exists to prove that the program will work. On the contrary, there is sound reason to believe it would fail. As Dr. Aron Katz of Harvard University in testing before the committee, we know little about the right" way to deal with criticism from the centers would be staffed by competent persons? The nation's experience with teacher selection has shown us that "is highly discouraging."
Add to the difficulties of competent staff the difficulties of efficient administration. The bill imposes a maze of overlapping councils and boards, and is certain that the costs are underestimated. Consider the failure of the present program of Aid to
Of interest, too, is publication of several new Perry Masons by Erie Stanley Gardner (Pocket, 57). The CRIMSON KISS, THE CRISTMON KISS, THE LOW, THE CASE OF THE CALENDAR GIRL, THE CASE
Summer Paperbacks Include Suspense Tales
This month's horse operas are
the ONE OF THE SAGE (Pocket, 60 cents)
and John Reese's THE WILD
ONE (Gold Medal, 59 cents). Nuff
then we have Charles Runson's POWER KILL (Gold Medal, 75 cents), which takes us through the assassination of a senator, and the effort to show that the executed assassin was an imprisoned man. ASSIGNMENT BANKOK (Gold Medal, 75 cents) is another one about Sam Durell, field agent for the FBI, and derring-in to the Far East.
OF THE SPIRIOUS SPINSTER
THE CASE OF THE BIGAMOUS
SPOUSE. THE CASE OF THE
RELUCTANT MODEL, THE
RELUCTANT MANZA AND
HONANZA and THE CASE OF
MISCHENUOLE DOLL.
Next are the romantic suspense tales. First of these is Elizabeth Kyle's MIRROR DANCE ballerina who dances before the balerina who dances during the mirror, a girl who is killed in a train crash, and another who goes to Copenhagen to search for her sister Nora Holah JOSSY'S JASSY (Crest, 95 cents) is in set in rural England 100 years ago and is about a girl, gypsy, who has mysterious powers. Madeline U'LEGENE'S THE OTHER SIDE OF THE SUN (Crest, $1.25) is about a young girl, Stella and her life at Illyra, green coastal dunes.
State Convention Only Formality
By MARK BEDNER
Kansan Staff Writer
Kansas Democrats wound up their new delegate selection process this past week at the Republican convention. Although the politicking behind security was serious and at times bitter, it proceeded the convention, the events on Saturday were almost predictable. The convention itself was a very different event.
The main issue surrounding the convention was whether or not it should be a segregation shuffle to Miami that will be mirrored or committed to Presidential candidate Senator George McGovern. The uncommitted candidates were the "party regulars," including Governor Docking, the state chairman and the national chairman and committeewoman.
The committed McGovern forces were led by someone, although at times it was difficult to determine who had led him with the happer the Senator McGovern himself, since the mere mention of his name often calmed the heated debates between the two candidates of his convention supporters.
The preconception story unfolded with Mike Hardee, professor of public policy who had taken it upon himself to negotiate with Democratic State Representative Sarah Sanders for her negotiating, one McGhee's supporter told me, "almost every time we talked to him."
The trouble arose when Harder announced that he wanted the two spots already slotted for the
Harder, acting as a de facto spokesman for the McGoventry people would contest before the convention that the McGoverty people would contest the "missed slate" of five delegates who were to be selected at the election.
national committeeman and national committeewoman. In addition, he wanted Dreiling, as the chair of the letter sent to all delegates two days before the convention, to notify the existing national officers that they should waive their votes in case of a recent event trouble at the convention.
Dreiling and state party leaders refused to accept Harder's proposal. The line of demarca-
tion came into view at a convention time drew near.
The McGovern staff was angry with Harder for alienating the party leadership in the state and wanted to be more available for McGovern after the national convention. Stearns thought that the two delegate candidates would worth the animosity that would result from a state convention battle, which he knew the McGovern people couldn't win.
In the meantime, Dreiling had contacted McGovern's national office and McGovern staff of Harder's intends and found that Rick Stearns, McGovern's state attorney, was thinking of Harder's negotiation.
Stearns then made plans to fly out to Kansas for the convention. The result was that she caught on June 3rd, the McGovern forces caucused to make plans for the state convention. The result was that a small rift appeared between supporters who were trying to prevent a knock down fight at the convention. The idealists felt that any concession to the party regulars was unacceptable, and the outcome of the convention.
November election, and the overriding plan was to party. The caucus ended with no positive plan, although the overriding sentiment was with the
The realists, led by many from Douglas County, Texas, and the Governor, would probably get the nomination at Miami and that the emphasis was on the grassroots.
The week before the convention, however, turned out to be productive for everyone, including the state navy leaders.
in meeting all necessary actions to preserve the same environment. Stevens and Dreiling with Senator McGovern and Governor Docking presiding in the wings, arrived at an agreement that would allow him to question something like this. In return for the McGovern forces agreeing to leave the uncommitted delegates at the national convention, the state convention, Dreiling would agree to release the uncommitted delegates at the national convention, requesting their support. The agreement would prevent the unneeded embarrassment of the state convention state convention, in return for the
Stearns then made plans to fly out to Kansas for the convention
state party's support of McGovern at the national convention.
On Friday night, twelve hours before the convention was to begin. Stearns met with the five McGovinst district chairmen to discuss what had, for all purposes, been going the week. Each of the district leaders was asked to present the plan to his delegates.
Although debate at the individual district caucuses was heated, general acceptance of the three McGovern supporters would run for slots as alternates to the national conveners, who decided that
Thus, by day or morning when the state convention opened on Monday, Governor Docking, most of the decisions had been made. The governor also attempted to be little open conflict on the floor, except for sporadic applause that greeted the various candidates and national committeeman. One old man remarked to me, "All these young kids are great for the
It came as no surprise to many
members of the party that the three alternate
assentions and national committee mani-
position were retained by the state party
"bloc" of McGovern support for Douglas and the three alternates.
That, perhaps, was the key to getting the party regulated; everybody had a good time and party regulators controlled the convention and maintained their lead.
Families with Dependent Children. And let us pray over the wisdom of shifting to the state—in the sense that obligation that ought to be the
responsibility of the family instead.
I don't pretend to have a good and workable answer; but I have read this 79-page bill, and thought
about the costly and cumbersome
iwamp the bill would provide,
and I am satisfied this isn't it.
Copyright 1972
Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
"Geerwhiz, John! I just wanted to see if your itinerary
included Washington . . . next January
If Nixon is going to be defeated, it will be at the polls. If he is going to be indicted, it will be he by his party. If he is going to war crimes, it will be by social sanctions, not legal ones—as President Johnson has suffered the social sanctions that have prevented him humiliation. Johnson is treated
Garry Wills
Impeaching Nixon is an idea that has been around for quite a while—a fact that should not give any comfort to the idea's authors. Mr. McCloskey began his filated presidential bid with an ill
President's Impeachment Wouldn't Solve Problems
And that is the trouble with the whole issue—it is just an excuse for everyone to be careless. everybody is perfectly aware that it is going nowhere. The situation would not be happy if it did go anywhere—they would end up anywhere.
considered call for Nixon s **until** peachment. He spent the rest of his campaign (if one can call it that) backpedaling from that call. He was not for the idea, he was not for the discussion, but just for discussing the idea.
as a liar in a very practical way—e.g., few trusted his fat satirist to purchase it, and those who had to read it write reviews that said it lied). Happily, Mr. Nixon may face the same prospect when he
Then why not bring up impachment "as a symbol," to begin the process of social saccharine. Because those who have raised the issue have appealed very rigorously to the Constitution, they will be more seriously concerned with the serious use of the Constitutional machinery—and they realize they cannot—then they are hypotheses arguing that the Constitution is treating frivolously. They want some of the side-effects of an impeachment process without the ability of players to play games with the law.
honor some of those who have proposed impeachment, and I understand the sense of despair under this act, as any non-violent instrument to be used against the war. But there are other ways to attack the war, such as by using a powerful pressure on Nixon. This way will just make its advocates look like prey, because frighten off people who may oppose the war but would rather see the President put on trial at number turned into a courtroom.
It is the task of serious men to make nothing but serious proposals at a time when the Administration is so careless with whole victim countries. It is the task of focusing of issues, but a distraction, and a needlessly divisive one.
I say this with regret, since I
Copyright, 1972 Universal Press Syndicate
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