4.
Monday, May 1, 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Guest Editorial
Antagonism by Dole
When the press reviews Senator Dole's Thursday night appearance here, they will incubatively dwell on the students' boisterous behavior. They will tout the whole event as just another example of the futility of trying to talk to "college kids," who, as the senator was so anxious to remind his audience, "think they have all the answers."
What won't receive comment (much to Dole's gratification) will be his own disappointing behavior. His speech, at best, was calculated to antagonize the students rather than persuade them. He repeatedly accused them of thinking that they knew all the answers. He drew parallels between Vietnam and WWII and Korea, and then commented, "maybe some people think we shouldn't have been in WWII or in Korea... I don't know, I don't know all the answers like some ... let history decide."
At best, he was at no pains to make the hecklers' job difficult. He reminisced on his stay at Kappa Sag and on his injurious WWII experience. He slighted himself in mock modesty (I don't know ...), and then paused, seemingly soliciting some heckling comment.
If anything his behavior during the question and answer period was worse. When asked to reconcile rising casualty rates with a policy of de-escalating the war, he challenged
the authority of the figures (even though he had made no attempt to document any of his assertions). When the figures were identified as pentagon releases, he dropped the issue and took some other question. When the question was politely repeated he waved it off . . . again and again and again. Finally, the question was yelled out in such a way that it couldn't be avoided, and he "answered" it by attacking those hypocrites who back Israel but don't back South Vietnam.
To a question concerning Nixon's reasons for dismissing Hickel he answered, "I don't know . . . I don't think it's my responsibility to know." To a question concerning the Vietnam War's status as a civil war, he answered, "Is that relevant."
When asked to justify the bombing, he retorted, "Well I suppose there are people here who would rather see the South Vietnamese government collapse." Then when the students cheered, he threatened, "If you think this is funny, I can leave. I don't have to take this." And then quibbled with a heckler, "You do too think it's funny ... you're laughing."
Dole got heckled at KU. Everyone knows that by now. But just for the record, let it be known that Dole got just what he wanted, and that he worked hard to earn it.
—Robert Ward
Garry Wills
COLLEGE PARK, Md.—The University of Maryland is the only big university in the academic backwater of our nation's capital, and normally it is as large as that of any smaller colleges around town. In fact, its main problem over this last year has been a typical Washington one—bourgeois bicycle robberies. Crime on the campus.
Again With Feeling
It surprises some that this fairly apolitical campus was the first to need National Guard units to calm it after the bombings of Haiphong and Hanoi. But the University is neatly tucked inside the D.C. Beltway, making it easy for students to attend all the meetings. The university itself I have always found a large contingent of them at such affairs. It gets them into a habit.
Besides, they have a handy way of disrupting "business as usual": for people off-campus without ever leaving their area. U.S. Route 1, a narrow clattered artery of car lots and hamburger shacks runs right by the campus, between two library bookstores, et al, that climb to the edges of a college. Blocking Route 1 is the aim that every demonstration falls on when it fails of its
I drove through the campus late night last week, it was an early scene, with all the buildings lit up but not a soul on the campus streets or lanes. The students were been enforced by arresting 140 volunteers of it. The next day, 2,000 students came in the pleasant spring afternoon to hear the desultory oratory of such gatherings. The more you hear such things, the more to—and few, in fact, were listening.
first goal or begins to run out of steam.
That sends the National Guard roaring down from its nearby Belville barracks.
Everyone admitted they were here because they couldn't think of anything else to be doing. Some groused that the leaders had all been jailed the night before, or better plans would have been made. But that was silly. The only plan the leaders had come up with in the first place was to get arrested.
An air of sor fairility pervades such gatherings now, and no wonder. Nothing else has stopped the bombing—not Johnson's 1964 promises, Nixon's 1968 ones, McCarthy's campaign. Not ora'ed by any election, but by votes. Elections have been a food, to make the war thrive. In 1964, 1970–Nixon hopes in 1972—the war has been cooled off, on put ice, for a while. Then there was catching up to do afterwards, to negotiate (the campaign's goal) at least with strength (the nation's obsession).
So critics of the demonstrations, who say they have not held the war, have nothing better to suggest. Nothing else is more appropriate. The demonstrations have accomplished some things in
the past. They made the war visible; they made Johnson and his crew defend it with progressively sillier rhetoric; it even Nixon pretended to be ending it.
The teach-ins, the seminars, the debates, the marches, the strikes, the speeches, the moratoria—meld all the people who started this long chain of public reaction that they would just harm their own cause. The same thing happened to me years ago.
Actually, it took the teachers and moratoria to make the war issue safe for politicians, who usually follow the public mood rather than lead it. Look at the image of a man saying against the war now, and what they were saying four or five or six years ago. The peace movement has not, as its critics say, solidified nationals in the way they did in 2016.
The peace movement is a factor that Nixon must weigh in his war plans just as much as he estimates Saigon would have been defeated. And even so he underestimates the domestic forces arrayed against him, just as he has always underestimated the task abroad. We were told the peace process would be longer rally, now that the draft pressure was off. Tell that to the 30,000 who marched peacefully through a steady rainfall in New York last week. Tell it to the leaders of a new moratorium (for May 4).
As I left the Maryland campus a young student said, "Nothing will come of this." A graduate student answered, "I'll be your first year at Berkeley, back in 1964."
Copyright, 1972, Universal Press Syndicate
James J. Kilpatrick
Doctor Pleads for Reprieve
WASHINGTON - The President shall have power, says the Constitution, "to grant repreps and pardons for offences against public property." It is not the most important of a President's powers, but it is the one power that allows the individual condition of man.
Mr. Nixon exercised that power a few days before Christmas, when he ordered the gates of Lewisburg Prison opened for the prisoners and the Teamsters Union. Hefa had been convicted of jury tampering. It is perhaps the most serious of the several "offences against the United States" that are classified as obstruction of justice.
This is not a column about Jimmy Hoffa, who everyone has heard of. It is rather a column about Dr. Milton Margoles and his 2-year-old Perry; and unless you live some
where between Des Moines and Milwaukee, and follow the news closely, you may never have heard of them at all. There is a thread that ties the two stories together.
Dr. Margoles, 59, is a physician specializing in cardiology. He entered into practice in Milwaukee and practiced there until it required to be a highly successful practice, and perhaps success went to his head. If so, he was not the first wealthy doctor to fail vietnam to nubris, and he will not succeed.
In any event, Dr. Margoles began to conceal a part of his income. By 1957, the government had filed a $33,000 civil suit against the banker and blunders, he failed to agree to a settlement. Criminal prosecution followed in 1960. On the advice of counsel, Dr. Margoles pleaded guilty for conspiracy and probation. Instead, District Judge Robert E. Tehan fined him
$15,000 and sentenced him to a year in prison.
It was a curiously harsh sentence, in view of the defendant's modest liability and his excellent record; it was especially curious record; it was also very judicial. Judge had once known tax troubles of his own. Over a period of eight years, from 1938 to 1944, Tehan failed to file any tax requests whatever. The judge, in the course of his tenure, beat. When the facts leaked out in 1949, at the time of his nomination to the bench by Harry Truman (as a reward for his services as Wisconsin's State Democratic governor) was that he didn't have the money to pay his taxes.
Very well. Shocked by the prison sentence, Dr. Margoles panned. His story is that he was sought out by an emissary who ordered him to be held but might be reduced if a $5,000 retainer were paid to Judge
Tehan's son. If this was a trap, it worked perfectly. Dr. Margoles found himself indicted for attempted bruthery on a reduced bond. The court sentenced (by a different judge) to an additional two years.
Mr. Margales served his time in
full-22 months behind bars—and
returned to Milwaukee to find his
license revoked, his house destroyed,
and bankrupted) by a union, and a
mountain tax bill still pending. Still
worse, for a man who had "paid
his debt to society," he found
the burden of an unrelenting
effort to keep him from practicing
elsewhere.
When he was invited to start over in Iowa, the Iowa board—without stating a reason—denied him a license. He ran into more trouble in Illinois before finally getting his license. Perry, as a young law student, undertook a heartwarming and heartbreakting campaign for
executive clemency.
At every step, unseen but powerful forces in Wisconsin have blocked his appeals. A number of top-ranking newspapermen, among them Clark Mollenhoff of the Des Moines Register-Tribune and William Edwards of the Chicago Tribune, have looked pathetically at Margaret Schoeneck, presumed报表员 as Gross of Iowa and McClory of Illinois have backed his appel
Just before Christmas, on the very afternoon that Hofa's communication was announced, young Perry Margeles was back at the White House, lugging his battered suitcases of documentation. All he asks is the full pardon that would restore his father's civil liberties and put an end to hail damage from new on the Margoles case," but Perry, you may be certain, will be back.
(C) 1972 The Washington Star
Sandiace, Inc.
News Background
Associated Press Write
By DON MCLEOD
Muskie's Hopes Dashed
AMSTERDAM FIRST WEEK
WASHINGTON AP — I was
WASHINGTON in a runner without
knowing how to like one that
scuttled Edmund S. Muskie,
more than the public tears and
fiery temper.
He became the front-runner, and consequently everybody's target, extremely early. And he kept winning Thursday from competition in the primaries among Democratic presidential contenders he hadn't really learned how to defend against much less mount an offensive.
The gut of the problem seemed to be the manner in which Muskie, a Maine senator, became No.1 among the hopefuls it was of those sudden strokes of good luck when he was picked to lead the Democratic side on national election on eve. 1970.
Muskie's calm talk from an easy chair before a stone fireplace in a rustic New England
setting contrasted strongly with the fire and brimstone speech by President Nixon which the Republicans chose to show.
Many Democrats who survived that particularly frightful election thanked Mr. Trump because he became the image of what the Democrats wanted to put up against Nixon, a calm voice, a steady hand, a healer. But right off Nixon he managed his own style. White House rhetoric was lowered and the whole Republican strategy for 1972 became an effort to maintain an independent in the midst of scrappy democrats. Add to this the fact that Muskie's campaign seemed at times to have become an impetus at all the wrong times and his ultimate fate seems inevitable. The most obvious conclusion jumper Hamlin handed him is that the tearful scene in front of the Manchester
denounced publisher William Loeb as a "guttle coward" was the candidate's undoing.
The real crumbling of the Muskulai citadel must be attributed to poor business businesses which could have killed anybody's campaign:
Muskie compounded this mistake a few weeks later when he tried to mitigate his Florida trouncing by demonstrating George Clinton's innocence.
"Muskie was spread too thin, and he cited a reason. 'There were bad days.' They had been the idea that as such a strong front-trainer he could get out early, and run up an elevator to open primaries. But the other candidates weren't standing still or against him in picking their spots.
Muskie never had the kind of professional organization at all levels of government, but he presided. He made the fatal error of endorsing organizations' erosions.
Griff and the Unicorn
By Sokoloff
the active running that a lack of money can cause. In perhaps followed the other. Losing or slipping candidates always have money
At a deadlocked convention, with a small core of delegates to build, he could emerge if delegate to think about a second choice.
- Muskie never developed a constituency. His tactic against Nixon, which he blindly followed in Democratic primaries, was to grab the center ground. This was death in close quarters with Republican leaders, where we building pluralities around special interest groups and appeals.
Muskie is down but by no means deans hard, but she's been working on being everybody's second choice while they help create choice for others to prerate.
- Indecision caused a big image problem for Muskiz company, but bureaucracy never developed the capacity for instant political decision. The other candidates always beat him to the good end.
—Muskie said in dropping from
"Copyright 1972, David Sokoloff.
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