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Monday, April 17, 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN comment
Garry Wills
materials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
It is amazing that such a proposal ever got past the meeting room and into the public eye. It's the sort of thing you bring up jokingly when you've soluble. Sombody says, "I know, insoluble. The Memorial Drive and Jyshawk Boulevard one-way streets and open them to everybody and install parking meters." Everybody has a good laugh: then you go on to consider serious solutions to your problem.
Parking Insanity
The citizens of this state are again going to have to assume their responsibility to finance the educational institutions that they benefit from. The funding shortages that face Kansas' institutions of higher learning are causing irreparable damage.
The fact that such a proposal has actually been suggested by a committee, or at least a vote, is
Not only are we losing our best faculty, we are crowded into inadequate facilities, denied the use of the most advanced equipment, and paying higher and higher fees anyway. But we are now being faced with hare-brained ideas such as a new way for students to Jayhawk Boulevard into a one-way parking lot, complete with parking meters, and an increase in traffic!
much damage the funding crisis has done. It has gotten so bad that it has seeped into our subconscious and somehow undermined our mentality. Here we are at a University, where we are supposed to be concerned about such things as having hearings on whether or not to adorn our campus with parking meters!
Last spring when I was in Washington interviewing the Kansas congressional delegation, one of the concerns that the Congressmen all voiced that was that young Kansans were not staying in Kansas. "We pay for education," they say, "and then another state benefits from it."
Well, that problem is being solved. The state is paying relatively less and less for the education of young Kansans. Consequently, with the resulting decline in the quality of the education being offered in the state, complemented by such aesthetic improvements on campus as parking meters, Kansas' young people will no doubt get the message. They will leave the state before they start college.
—Mike Moffet Associate Editor
Readers Respond
Traffic,Party,Women...
To the Editor:
Court
If this university is to develop a judicial structure which is it must merit, it should permit the entire individual. On April 11 the Traffic Court considered my appeal of a parking ticket which I received from a woman whose wife had taken our four-year-old son and one of his friends to visit the Natural History Museum. She saw the museum where the museum, where parking is restricted to museum visitors. A ticket was issued for a parking violation, but the ticket being written, because our car bears a staff registration sticker. But I felt the ticket would be more difficult to prove were known, for it does not seem fair that families of university staff members should not have a parking violation while visiting the museum as are enjoyed by the general public.
But the court denied my appeal. The judge who rendered the opinion was, I am told, a law professor, and said that my story was not very convincing, that probably I had been late for work or something, and had parked illegally in front of him. He pointed at what grounds he had for choosing not to be account my account of the matter. He replied that my story was improbable because there is evidence that I had not been in the Museum which could be of interest to a four-year-old child! I then asked Mr. Albin if he has any children, and he answered that At that point I left the courtroom.
As Mr. Albin obviously has no of what interests a four-year-old, he has grounded for telling me that I had given a false story under oath is in my opinion arrogant and have expected to participate in the university's judicial process, do the best possible to expect better treatment than this!
F. Allan Hanson Associate Professor of Anthropology
★★
Sophs
To the Editor.
An open letter to Jim Harrell President of the Class of 1974:
To the Editor:
Among the other weighty responsibilities of the class officers, we assume that among them is the responsibility to bound the students regarding how the dues are spent. One of the most popular ways to spend it is on class parties, and many of the class officers have bought their class cards for this specific reason.
As was promised in your class letter by you and your board for the spring semester, plan a detailed planning stages recently. In fact, everything including booking a place and band, setting a date, attending a concert, budgeting you set, had been completed by the person you had personally designated that job. In other words, the signing of the contract when you (and some unnamed people who remain a mystery) decided to go see a show, knowledge or consent of at least
one elected class officer, most of the committee chairmen, and the president of the board holders. The band, who had agreed to play for less than their usual use, and who had turned into an active engagement for engagements for that night, was not notified until four days before the scheduled time that the party would take place.
We agree that parties are not the only goal of the class organization, and we applaud the rounded program this year. But we are also aware, as you have displayed in past meetings, of the challenges we face. However, we feel that there is no room for personal whims when one is supposed to be representing all of the sophomores at the
Do you hear us now, Mr
Iarrell?
Petey Firestone,
St. Louis sophomore
Elen Reimers,
St. Louis sophomore
★★★
Rights
To the Editor:
I feel it necessary to respond to Mr. Kenneth Lucas' letter of April 4th regarding the Equal Rights Amendment. First of all, I am pleased with the statement that constitutional amendments should be treated as a matter of great importance. However, I do not agree that Kansas acted in an irresponsible way in hearing the ERA without hearings.
discrimination, was amended to include sex. This says "the practice or policy of sex discrimination in employment individuals in employment relations, in relation to free and public accommodations or in housing by reason of race, religion, color, sex, national origin, race, etc., concern to the state, since such discrimination threatens not only the rights and privileges of the inhabitants of the state of Kansas but mencases the institutions and activities of a free democratic state."
The ERA has been introduced in the United States Congress for the past 49 years. In the past two years thousands of pages of text have been heard and printed. No more study is necessary.
During the early days of statehood, Kansas made every effort to fulfilest participation in life—whether on a legal, political, or social basis. The first campaign in which he was the candidate in 1867. He did not win that day, but they did start the movement which led to the secession of Kansas in 1876.
According to Eleanor Flexer in *Century of Struggle*, it "was an unfortunate political struggle to win women the vote, should have taken place in the State of Kansas. During the territorial period in the 1850's, many New England women had become strong enough and make Kansas 'free soil', bringing with them the ideas of Margaret Fuller and Lucy Stone."
Therefore, with the passage of this bill and Kansas' long history in the struggle for equal rights, I would urge the legislature acted irresponsibly.
Also, in this session of the Kansas legislature Senate Bill No. 573, an act relating to
In response to Mr. Lucas' last statement that "it may be necessary to treat the two sexes equally," in the Equal Rights Amendment there is no precclusion of legislation which relates to a physical characteristic long as the characteristic is found in all women and no men, or all men and no women. Therefore, arbitrary distinctions are the most women want to eliminate.
Karen Keesling Assistant Dean of Womer
Letters to the editor should be typewritten, double-spaced and should not exceed 500 words. All letters are subject to editing and condensation, according to space limitations. Students must provide their name, year in school and home town; faculty and staff must provide their name and position; others must provide their name and address.
Letters Policy
Boob Tube Claims First Victim
"Wisconsin is the state where I grew up and where I started in political work; I think I know it, and it's a natural for Lindsay."
Those are the words of Jerry Bruno, the legendary advance man for the Kennedy. They were spoken in a book predicting the techniques by which—to quote a chapter head—"Lindsay Will Beat Nixon in 1972."
--of the sheerly passive state in which so much of the public plops down in front of the TV.
Lindsay, it turned out, could not even beat Wallace in 1972—nor Jackson; nc morGovernment, Humphrey, Muskie. True, he did beat Patsy Mink; so perhaps his he-man chest-thumpings were not entirely in vain.
All this happened in the very primary Bruno thought he could serve up to Lindsay on a platter. (Last week Mr. Bruno lost employment on the Lindsay
Bruno cannot complain that disaster came from deserting his strategy. His game plan called for tricky little plays in order to get the senior citizen's home. Something that's visual . . . " Bruno outidd himself—he had Lindsey not only visit a marginally lower-poor middle-class home, but bunk down on the living room couch.
Lindsey in the crud of some polluted water in Florida. And we should not forget the great idea Lindsey's men fell back on when the poll showed how far he was dropping in the race. They called in another loser—Congressman Paul Ryan—to brake with him in mid-water and help drag him down by the neck.
That was even cuter than dunking
"Wisconsin," Bruno wrote, "is comparatively easy" (for Lindsay to win). Just let the glamour rub off on people: "I would emphasize excitement ... there are kid; all over America whose mothers have hoped they will be models or dancers or on TV-they wouldn't pass this chance" (the boy who seemed by the eye who is seen so often on the Johnny Carson show).
It is somewhat comforting to find things are not quite that easy. Many people do not watch the news on TV, or automatically tune out political (and other ads). What they do see on the screen as a situation staged. The old phone caller rallies the door invasions with telephone for candidate--makes people talk to one another, engage minds in a common setting, do something. It pushes on out
The Lindsay campaign was based on a belief that TV changes minds in the privacy of each person's living room—with some people having the right, roshowing fertilizer) which only newcomers attend will, at one remove, be "attended" by thousands who tune in to the program.
The idea that TV can "sell": a candidate who is包装, kept off from the public, slipped almost subliminally, into the voters' consciousness, zapping people with the tube's glow—all that nonsense was spread by Joe McGinnis' book on the Nixon victory in 1968. (Nixon won despite the fact that he supported it.) Lindsay has given us a textbook illustration of the fact that getting elected is more complicated than McGinnis knew.
Meamwhile, the hokey rallies of George Wallace keep rolling on, bringing people together, getting them into shape. But even though Wallace is not at all the cool McLahan politician of the TV age—but he is alive, as a candidate, and Lindsay is dead. We are not the slaves of the boob tule story, but we are the stars that can be drawn from this season's defeat.
TV has a part to play in the modern campaign. Sometimes it is a large part—as in the Nixon-Kennedy debate but even in that year, Nixon lost to Hillary Clinton by defeated himself by bad strategic choices of which submitting to the debate was only a single (though a typical) example. It is not the whole truth—but closer to it—that Nixon lost to Hillary Clinton by defeated him not grasped how not to use TV.
Copyright, 1972, Universal Press Syndicate
LAWS ARE DESIGNED TO PROTECT SOCIETY
WHEN CRIMINALS BREAK THE LAW AND GET AWAY WITH IT-
THE RESULT IS FALLING STOCKS, RISING UNEMPLOYMENT, CRIME IN THE STREETS, ANARCHY.
SO PROSECUTE CRIMINALS!
THE RESULT IS RISING VIOLENCE, CRIME IN THE STREETS, ANARCHY.
1
AND SUPPORT CORPORATE CRIME!
WHEN BIG CORPORATIONS
BREAK THE LAW AND
DON'T GET AWAY WITH IT.
KEEP AMERICA STRONG!
Bent. Publishes papers in Mail Syndrome.
4. 16 © 1972 JULIUS VENEZIA
James J. Kilpatrick
Nixon's Press Critics Indicted
WASHINGTON — James Keogh's new book, "President Nixon and the resis, is a big part of the weekend. The next wind that blows from Washington will bring the honing sound of steel on stone. Keogh has carved his onetime weapon they will soon be slicing back.
Keogh's credentials as a critic of the press go back to 1938, when he left Creighton University to attend Harvard-Hereford. After 13 years he moved to New York as a writer on national affairs for Time. He was the magazine's executive editor when he left in 1960 to begin three years in the White House as a writer and writing aide to Nixon.
In defending the President he served, Keogh risks the old man's trust. Such a response won't do. Keogh has earned his hash-marks; he is an old pro, and his stinging cry was a thoroughly professional job.
He charges major elements of the American press, including a debate over deliberate, pervasive, and persistent bias against the Nixon
manipulation. He acknowledges that every president has left the office, and he insists that he insists that in the case of Nixon, the mistreatment has been so gross and so constant as to undermine the integrity the press itself.
Keigh's pattern of unfairness is woven of such major issues as Vietnam and of such trivial matters as the Rumfield private mansion. Asked if he involved Jack Anderson's charge on September 22, 1989, that antipoverty czar Donald Rumfield had diverted money from the mansion to build a "more luxurious look," including "the ultimate in executive status symbols: A private bathroom." Keigh denounces the Anderson column utterly and completely untrue.
more serious, perhaps, was the incident of July 7 and 8, 1970, when ABC and more particularly Vanderbilt involved Vanderbilt's Chancellor Alexander Heard and Howard University's President Edward Burke, who have warned Nixon in a private meeting with him that campus
arrest had reached such critical level that numerous colleges might not even be able to open in the fall. Berkeley, they said, will have the President, was already dead, and Columbia University dying.
Keogh, who had sat in on the meeting, says flatly that the network account "was just not true." Dr. Heard himself denounced the story as "totally unfounded" and "completely inaccurate." But it was not until August 25, seven weeks later, he delivered himself of two sentences agreeing that "part of what we reported was based on misinformation."
Whatever damage the press may have inflicted on Nixon, in Keogh's view the press has done much greater damage to itself. In his closing pages, Keogh draws a damning picture of confidence, in Kenneth Clark's phrase, that "more than anything else, kills a civilization." If our own civilization declines, says Keogh, "history will not let American journalism escape its fate under the face of the responsibility."
His argument here is that as
the 1970s began, many persons "were beginning to perceive that they were too often getting a distorted view of current history from those who were supposed to be their best sources of information." Keogh is convinced that many top reporters have lost sight of their people and are the people what is going on—not to sell a point of view, but to inform and explain."
The indictment, sad to say, has much validity. One of the things that are going on right now is an outright Communist invasion of
Laos, Cambodia, and South Vietnam. This warfare is conventional warfare, not to be explained as the acts of mere guerrillas or revolutionaries. But it is part of the liberals' uncontainable contempt for South Vietnam rarely to see the enemy troops either as communists or as invaders. This is the blinkered vision that troubles Keigh. All of us who count ourselves part of the working press should be troubled, too.
Copyright, 1972, Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
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Griff and the Unicorn
By Sokoloff
"Copyright 1972, David Sokoloff.