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Monday, April 10, 1972
University Daily Kansan
Kansan Photo by PETE SANG
Bad Precedent
Next fall student fees will increase $4.50 per semester as students start paying for the yet to be completed Wescoe Hall.
The $4.50 payment is a reduction from an intended $11.50 payment that was to have been levied if the University had not received a federal grant that will defray part of the costs of construction.
The use of student fees to finance the construction of University facilities is an unfortunate precedent to have established. Even though Chancellor Chalermers has vowed that as long as he is chancellor he will never again ask students to help finance University facilities, he won't be chancellor forever, and it is the Regents, not the Chancellor, that really have the power to control student fees.
At any rate, what's done is done. The only thing we can do now is keep in mind when surveying the field of candidates for influential state offices that such a precedent has been established. The governor, for instance, appoints the Board of Regents, and could bring much influence to bear in this situation.
The traditional justification for state-supported education has been that since the whole society benefits from education, the whole society should share the costs. The burden of support was not to come solely from those who attended the institutions.
While the University is still a long way from being supported solely by students, the Wescoe Hall fee is a step in that direction. Furthermore the present Governor and many Legislators are far from vigorous supporters of state funding for higher education. Witness the severe financial problems that the University is now experiencing.
Now that students have the vote, a real opportunity exists to reverse the trend of declining state support for education. We would be wise to take advantage of this opportunity.
-Mike Moffet
Associate Editor
News Background
By LOUISE COOK
Rationalization in Gotham
NEW YORK (AP) -It takes more than money to survive in the megaolis these days.
Suppose, for example, there's a transit strike.
Urban living requires an unbreakable pair of rose-colored glasses and the ability to see a silver lining in every cloud.
The average man would grumble something about the traffic and complain about not being able to get to work.
Not the urbanite. A little simple reasoning—some might call it twisted logic—and the city dweller looks on the bright side: the extra exercise of walking is good for him, no buses means less time to get around; the built-in excuse for not visiting his mother-in-law in Brooklyn.
With a little practice, anyone
anywhere can play the optimist's game.
Power blackout: Candles are much more romantic than electric light.
Television set on the blink?
Now's the time for all that reading you say you never can get to.
Just been mugged? Relax for a while; chances are you're safe for at least a week.
Can't afford a European vacation? You won't wind up on a hijacked plane.
Telephone not working? The bill collector can't call.
can still see you won't be contributing to pollution.
No trees and grass? No leaves
No trees and grass? No leaves to rake or lawn to mow.
Car stolen? You won't be contributing to pollution.
Medical bills piling up? Think
of next year's income tax deduction.
Apartment robbed? Now you can collect on that insurance policy you've been paying for all these years. Maybe.
Too many crowds? A perfect opportunity for making new friends.
Can't afford that fancy French restaurant? The food's too rich for your figure anyway.
Too noisy to sleep late? Look at all you can get accomplished early in the morning.
Can't find a bigger apartment? You don't have to buy more furniture.
No place for the kids to play? They can do their homework.
Boss turn you down for a raise? You're helping fight inflation.
Tired of being an optimist? Complain a little. It'll do you good.
Garry Wills ...
Eulogy For a Teacher
But the man on that breathtaking Catkill scapek was no Eastern ascetic—boy was he not. Whatever that term may convey, on whatever level, he was its antithesis. He sat on top of that mountain like its very active volcan-opening, spouting opinion, debate, reminiscence, and unfinished projects.
one encounters few real teachers in one's lifetime—and most of those do not do their teaching in a classroom. To meet one of my own favorite teachers, I went up the mountain top—which fits almost ridiculously the picture of youth questing
More people, however, sought him out as a speaker, writer and editor who had a great effect on the resurgence of
An extraordinary number of people wound their way up to that remote home above Woodstock, New York (the place after which the rock festival was wrongly named). Some wanted accounts of the radical Thirties, when the New Deal and then World War II Communist organizer at Oxford and the University of Chicago, a friend of New York bohemians, artists, and ideologues.
National Review-style politics in the Fifties. Though Frank wrote widely, he made his real impact as a person, remote yet gregarious, irascible yet affectionate, opinionated yet infinitely likeable. He always wanted people to believe him, not the incessant sharp arguments that never ruptured friendship. He was a Champion of Right-Wing orthodoxy whose friendships were heretically all-inclusive. Some of my warmest memories are of trying to out-ham him, but I still remember going forth through play after play, as I became a kine in his kindly company.
When young Right-Wing activities flagged, during the Fifties, people agreed it was because Frank had not come—he was younger than students, staying up later, drinking more, shopping less, and being debased (to polite dead term) its rare real sense—debate that does not kill and divide, but united even in difference, and throws off sparks of light instead of confugation. He had a whole constellation of the disappearing virtues—those of friendly hard argument, odd tolerant prejudice, and utter lack of moral integrity; others not merely oneself, a genuine "ambition" for the careers of all kinds of people.
That is why I call him a teacher. The teacher's work does not stand alone, but is subsumed (often untraceably) into his pupils. Frank wrote two books of his own; but his greater gift was for teaching. He also helped others. My own first book was written on a small grant he obtained for me; and I am but one of many he sought
out, and helped, and argued with, and never forgot.
There is no way of measuring that kind of intense, if indirect influence—but I'll let you in on a kind of open secret of the literary world. Some of the energy now showing itself in the liberal New York Times Book Review section is derived from the back section of the book, "The Mystery of Frank edited that section, for a decade and a half, with a strikingly unideological interest in young writers for their own sake. He filled the 'reactionary' magazine with bright young voices, like those of the novelists Robert Phelps, Joan Doiden, and D. W. Crocker. He was the young editor of the Times review, is himself a National Review alumnus, and any one issue of his journal is able to contain—as Frank's pages did—the literate judgments of Dave Davenport, Hugh Kenner, Theodore Sturgeon, Arlene Croce, or Francis Russell. And all of these advantages of an Anglophile long before The New York Review of Books was born.
Though we all live inevitably toward our death, Frank had also moved very consciously all his life toward a faith that would account for man's weird vitality of challenge to death. In one brief half-a-day last week, those two journeys converged for him. Lucid in the afternoon, as he prayed ahead, he was baptized and then the tense of vibrant men relaxed. Six hours later he was dead; and three hours after, it was Easter.
Copyright, 1972. Universal Press Syndicate
James J. Kilpatrick
Busing Plan Raises Questions
WASHINGTON — President Nixon's two-phase plan for promoting a return to reason in our public schools makes good sense for both the short run and the long haul, but it raises some questions of law that demand a thoughtful look.
The President has asked Congress to approve two bills, a "Student Transportation Moratorium Act" and an "Equal Educational Opportunities Act." The first is intended to halt further court-ordered busing; the second is intended to launch a school for disabled children and upgrade and equalization of schools serving large numbers of "educationally deprived students."
Both bills are predicated squarely on the all-but-forgotten fifth section of the Fourteenth Amendment. Over a period of years, in which Federal judges did not find the ideas about "equal protection of the laws," that section of the Constitution has been largely
ignored. It says that Congress—not the courts, but the Congress—"shall have power to enforce, by any means, the provisions of this article."
The second bill, dealing with equal educational opportunities, presents few problems as a matter of law. Congress plainly rejects proposed legislation; in "appropriate legislation," in explicit terms, the bill would outlaw segregation by race "among or within schools." It would demand that students vestiges of formerly segregated systems. It would forbid discrimination by race in the employment and assignment of teachers. It would prohibit pupil transfers, which would have the effect of increasing minority concentrations.
The proposed act goes further. It would create a new plan of Federal grants to upgrade "basic instructional services and basic supportive services" for the children of low-income families.
The object is to make certain that their schools, in terms of public expenditure, are "at least" two or other schools in local system.
These provisions of the act would be supplemented by certain direct instructions to lower Federal courts. Thus, a locality's failure to achieve "racial balance" among its schools "shall not constitute a denial of equal educational opportunities to all districts of the laws." The act would preserve the concept of pupil assignment to neighborhood schools unless such assignments were intended to segregate children on the basis of race. Before judges could order an increase in busy, they would have to receive clear and consistent rules and other remedy would work. The act seems to be reasoned, moderate, and lawful.
It is the companion bill, intended to halt the implementation of new court-
ordered busing, that causes concern. In listening to the President's television address, he constitutive pundits rubstone in impression that Mr. Nixon had in mind a bimill to impose certain "exceptions and regulations" to the Supreme Court. We curried to the famous McCardle case of 1988 and began briefing half a dozen other opinions upholding Congress to curb the high court.
When the draft bill floated up to the Hill on March 17, this labor proved to be wasted. The President is asking Congress to impose its moratorium on all federal courts "in order to provide Congress time to prepare legislation dealing with busing and with equal protection. The approach is novel. The act, if passed, may stick in the craw of some judges who don't choose to see the
implementation of their orders delayed. We could be in for a formulation—confrontation—but its safety and probabilities may prevent it.
What of the merits? The President's plan has provoked predictable statements from predictable people. Black spokesman charge that it vails a return to segregation. Those who oppose busing for purposes of education洛杉矶 holopoles that would let whole fleets of buses drive through. The two bills demand careful analysis. At first reading, the plan seems well designed to cure a form of judicial lunacy, to reduce community tensions, and to give a need and needed lift to children. To prevent them from children. If the two bills in fact would further these aims, they ought to be passed.
Copyright, 1972 The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
Griff and the Unicorn
By Sokoloff
"Copyright 1971, David Sokoloff.
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