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Wednesday, March 1, 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN comment
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Elwell and Pot
Some scientists estimate that nearly 24 million Americans have at one time or another smoked marijuana. Psychologist William McGlothlin of the University of California at Los Angeles estimates that within five years there will be 6 to 12 million weekly users.
The President's national Commission of Marijuana and Drug Abuse will recommend in its report to be released March 22 that all penalties for private (in the home) use of marijuana will be enforced on members of the commission were appointed by the President.
Mike Elwell, Douglas County attorney, spends 20 per cent of his court time prosecuting marijuana cases. This time, spent on what are
called victimless crimes, could be better spent on those who use them, said herb, etc.
In spite of the findings of the President's commission, whose results were not come to easily, Elwell says not enough is known about the weed. His head is in a bag that seems to protect him from enlightenment no matter what the source.
Elwell will not even say maybe. His refusal to step back—even a step—and his devotion to what is being proved a myth leads to the frightening conclusion that the campaign against pot is more than a matter of law—it is an exercise in political morality.
—Thomas E. Slaughter
The Lindsay staff is now proceeding with plans that include Kansas as a key state in the mayor's program to make himself known outside the Eastern states. His first stop was Arizona, where Lindsay made a remarkable showing in that state's delegate selection convention. All signs point to the Arizona strategy being the master plan for similar operations in Kansas.
Lindsay's Kansas Tactic
Make no mistake about it—John Lindsay, mayor of the second largest government in the United States, New York City, is actively pursuing his new party's nomination for President of the United States.
Testimony to this was the appearance of a Lindsay staff aide, Jim Masters, in Kansas last week. Masters, a KU graduate, is one of Lindsay's important advance men. While in Kansas, Masters met daily with party leaders, student leaders and just about anyone who showed any interest in Democratic politics. "Are you able to build a 'grassroots Lindsay organization'" in Kansas that would capture delegate support in the state's convention process which begins on the local level April 8.
After Lindsay's abrupt change of colors last summer, many political leaders said he was not to be considered a serious contender for the Democratic nomination, at least not in '72. But Lindsay is spending vast amounts of money and time to fund the nomination for the nomination in '72, but more so, that he is a candidate to be reckoned with by the leaders.
"We'll come in here with a 720 load and you can do the job," Masters remarked to one listener.
Garry Wills
Masters was pledging money, media and manpower in an attempt to build confidence among potential Lindsay followers.
Masters was also gauging the reaction to the scheduling of a Lindsay whirlwind speaking tour through Kansas. The only drawback was that the mayor hasn't quite formulated a "farm policy," making it a little tough to make speeches in this, the "wheatland of America."
The general hope inside Lindsay headquarters is that if the mayor of New York City can make a few more showings in the Midwest and West like he made in Goldwater Country, Arizona, then a few more doors may open up at the party convention in Miami Beach next July.
Still, there are some who remain skeptical. One very prominent student leader told Masters he couldn't work for Lindsay because he thought the mayor was only building support for the campaign of 1976. The student was interested in a race for the governorship and race this year. Masters remained silent for a moment, then changed the subject.
Staff Column
Whatever the masterplan, John Lindsay is pulling all strings, purse strings included, to see that Kansans are aware of his presence at the state's district democratic conventions this spring. If the master plan follows the pattern in Arizona, there is every reason to believe that John Lindsay is actively running in 1972. For what, remains to be seen.
By MARK BEDNER
How to Run Away From Virtue
Fred Harris, in his brief frenetic try, attacked "goddam liberares" to live down his reputation as one of them.
Rep. "Pete" McCloskey, who entered an eperitemic war critic, now eases
The mark of the 1972 presidential campaign may well be the fact that decent men have, from the outset, had to apologize for their decency.
milkily away from and around Vietnam, lest he be a one-issue candidate.
Senator "Scoop" Jackson, whose child is in an integrated school, is rather mumbling and heartbeat in his ajeb refusal to take pride in that
soperator Humphrey, who has done long service as a loyal party man, tries to live that down as he repudiates his past under L.B.J. and absurdly presents himself as a young new candidate.
senator Muskie has been a bit elusive about his religious ties — by contrast with Jack Kennedy, who dealt with his Catholicism in the open.
soften his healthy justified contemp for the political process as he pretends he did not "drop out" after the 1968 election.
He has the story of a curt insult to a lady to smile at us and say that he is, maybe, something of a cad. Even his daughter got into the humanizing act—said he was just like any other father—who could not stop him. The told how he played with his daughter after a scary horror movie hanging her doll where it would be the first thing she
But Sen. McGoveri is the one who has been in most open and panicky flight from virtue. He so many decriences to be apologetic for. His task is overwhelming—to explain how he got to be just generally Mr. Decency.
Even Senator McCarthy has had to
saw when she woke up, screaming, the next day. Never has any poor Dr. Jekyll searched so hard for the saving Mr. Hydpeotion.
Only Wallace seems unconcerned about looking worse than he is. He has never pretended to much virtue anyway.
And that's the point. Wallace is scoring heavily in Florida and eyeing other states with hope, because the voters are in a mean and surly mood, responsive and taken expressions of response. We have entered the The Measures.
And no one can beat Nixon in that kind of contest.
Copyright, 1972 Universal Press Syndicate
James J. Kilpatrick
Reflections on Crime and Punishment
WASHINGTON—Put the questions of constitutional law to one side. Solely as a matter of public policy, should the death sentence be abolished or retained?
in the wake of last week's decision in California, the issue is before us once again. The California Supreme Court, construing a provision of the State's own constitution, banned capital punishment in an opinion "grounded not in sympathy for the victims of violence, but in concern for the society that diminishes itself whenever it takes the life of one of its members."
The language tells us something of a court that would "ground" a judicial opinion in law, but in "concern." But no
matter. Does society "diminish itself" by imposing the death sentence, however infrequently, a comment for particular crises?
Certainly a great many theologians, penologists, and legislative bodies have thought so. More than 200 years ago, the Italian penologist Cesare Derrito emphasized the unwisdom of capital punishment. His views attracted the support of such eminent Americans as Franklin and Paine. England and Canada, among many other Western nations, have abolished the death sentence. It has been repealed since 1965 in States. Nearly five years have passed since the last execution in the United States. Plainly the trend is against it.
Part of the trend results from a kind of new enlightenment (if it is enlightened) on the whole business of crime and punishment. If we respect concept the concept which should be punished. In this view, crime is not crime; it is sickness. We do not punish sickness; we treat it. By extension, there are crimes that are not punish. And surely they are degrading and debasing for society to claim the life of a sick man.
prisoner. Life and liberty are coupled in our concept of due process. If it is cruel to execute, it is also cruel to imprison. The theory of the new enlightenment cannot condone punishment in any degree, for again, it is wrong to punish the sick.
This reasoning appears to be implicit in the opinion of the California court. Punishments are matters of degree. If a society "diminishes" itself by taking the life of a prisoner, society also "diminishes" itself by taking the liberty of a
So much for metaphysics. The more familiar argument against capital punishment is that it offers no deterrent to heinous crime. The argument requires a close look. To impose sentence solely as a determent—that is, to punish one man as an animal or prisoner as a means to an end; someone else's end. And as C. S. Lewis has written, "this, in itself, would be a very wicked thing to do."
can be used partly as a justification for capital punishment. The evidence is inconclusive. It is reasonable to suppose that in a case of murder, the possibility of a death sentence provides no deterrent whatever. These are the murders—11,000 of them in the U.S. in 1970—that were committed in crimes of passion. Persons in a blind rage will not see reason.
Perhaps the deterrent concept
My own view—I advance it tentatively—is that the old concept of crime and punishment ought to be preserved. If a criminal can be "treated," fine; if an innocent can be "rehabilitated," fine; if a sentence has the effect of deterring others, well and good.
But punishment ought not to be imposed because it is therapeutic; but because it is just.
Thus I would retain the death penalty for a small list of crimes; murder as part of a felonious act; law enforcement as part of a law enforcement officer; assassination; the selling of hard drugs. There might be others. In each such case, I would require a thorough review as a matter of right.
If a death sentence were affirmed, so be it. The execution of a cold-blooded killer, found guilty after a fair trial, is not an act of social deprivation; it is an act of elementary justice.
Copyright 1972 Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
Copyright 1972
By Sokoloff
Griff and the Unicorn
Readers Respond
Labor Lords
"Copyright 1973, David Sokoloff."
To the Editor:
Strikers, Cycles . . .
Why isn't the University focusing its undivided attention upon the human task of raising students to become university has yet to call in the militia but its public attitudes are significantly different from those of the mine-operators of days old. But this is to be expected in the near future as the senselessness, when 15+ grand a year men deal with 4 grand a year man. It has been, and apparently still is, the American way.
The strike of the Public Service Employees Union has fairly convinced me that the University of Kansas is no different in its values than any other institutional or industrial employer. Men representing the University in investment earn substantially more than $15,000 annually—are consistently in the news telling the public that the strikers are demanding he if he is earning $40,000 yearly or even $6,000? Instead of reacting sympathetically to men who are living in or on the edge of the city, negotiators zero in on bits, pieces, parts of the Union's grievances and in demolishing these parts act as if they were driving the Union's entire case.
What does it matter if the strikers were in error in charging that the University is in violation of the law? Why is the University, as reported in the Journal-World, Feb. 25 (a most biased account, incidentally) wasting its time collecting data on the charges made by the strikers? Why is the Personnel Office wasting its time each day in phone calls to departmental managers? Why are the classified staff is on the job?
John G. Clark, Professor of History
Helmet Help
A bill is now in the Kansas State Senate Committee on Transportation and Utilities which, if passed, will require all motorcycles to be equipped with helmets at all times and to ride with the lights on. This bill is a direct threat to the freedom of motorcyclists and ultimately to all citizens who must oppose this bill or suffer the consequences.
To the Editor:
Those of you who do not ride motorcycles (for those of us who do, need no further prompting to be upset) must realize that this is
more than just discrimination by a minority by our government. We have to step in the tightening ring of government control. Our representatives are willing to sell our freedom for federal highway rights, and we want to portant on our rights? You must consider what your reaction would be if a bill requiring seat belts on cars would naturally be angry that such a decision concerning only your own safety should be made would not be appropriate. We were also required to drive your car with the lights on at all times or supply a helmet for each driver, as naturally, you can see this would be an imposition on your personal rights. By looking at the problem in this way perhaps you can understand the plight of the motorcyclist.
On the floor of the Senate last week, argument was presented that Kansas ought to be the first state to demand with the hope that other states might follow suit. Let's our representatives know we support this type of bole in politics. And we argue for freedom's sake you will help oppose this bill. Write a letter to the Senate Transportation Rep. Morris Kay, or any other senator or representer you know. If you cannot find your own name and send it to your name and send it! By opposing this bill we can show our elected representatives that we will not tolerate further government control of our inenable rights.
—Donald Fornelli,
Lawrence sophomore
Larry's Lumps
Your Feb. 21 issue reports an appearance by Congressman Winn, a member of the which Congressman Winn commented on the advisability of teachers having practical experience in teaching they teach. In this connection the Congressman raised the question whether a Law School faculty had engaged in law practice before entering Law School faculty might find the answer of interest.
Of the 22 full-time members of the law faculty, 19 practiced law before joining the faculty. The average period of practice was four years. The three who did not practice engaged in other legal activities and were later clerkships) directly related to the subjects they now teach.
—Martin B. Dickinson Jr.
Dean, University of Kansas
School of Law
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