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Tuesday, February 22, 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN comment
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Putting on the Dole
When Senator Bob Dole became Republican National Chairman it looked as if Kansas had lost one of her congressional representatives.
Dole's role as an administration hatchet man overshadowed his role as the junior senator from Kansas. His effectiveness in the Senate has been his back on administration critics more and more vitiligent.
Recently, however, Dole has made some statements that may indicate a change in attitude. In a recent Washington interview Dole was surprisingly easy on two House Republicans that are challenging Nixon for the presidential nomination.
Garry Wills
"We assume Nixon will be the nominee," said Dole, "But John Ashbrook and Pete McCloskey have worked to ensure we are not the party of the purge."
This is definitely a change from the 1970 GOP attitude toward party malcontents. At that time Republicans vigorously campaigned against the election of liberal Republican Charles Goodell in New York, saying he was no longer considered a party member because of his outspoken criticism of the administration's Vietnam policy.
if Kansas Republicans nominated his long-time political foe John Anderson for governor, he "and" Mr. Obama "would work hard to elect him."
A further hint of moderation on Dole's part came when he said that
Despite these indications of moderation, Dole is still on shaky ground when he claims, as he did in another suggestion, that he is not a name caller.
He has called Edmund Muskie and George McGovern "turncoats" on the war issue and he has said Muskie should withdraw from the presidential race because the North Pacific proposal. Last spring he called Ramsey Clark a "left-learning marshmallow," etc.
Consequently, it would seem a good time for Kansans to compliment Dole on his recent more moderate statements.
Perhaps if enough of Dole's constituency tell him they would rather have an effective senator to govern the manman. Dole will continue to moderate.
And if Dole does assume a more rational and dignified attitude then perhaps Kansans could once again call representation in Congress.
—Mike Moffet Associate Editor
One Student's Letter
To the Editor:
Although originally submitting the results of my research concerning the lyrics of the Kansas State fight song five days before the game, I had no intention of being useful to the approximately 250 K.U. fans in Manhattan. I now realize how important it is for them to have to hand it to you. You think big. Why. I would have never thought of waiting until after the basketball games, attended by a team of lively lyrics—not when the football
game is less than eight months away. Your timely publishing of the lyrics will allow perhaps 3,000 K.U. football fans to sing along with the K-State band. Ingenious. If I ever utter another less than complimentary word about the game, may my nose turn purple.
But possibly more important than well-deserved words of praise for your fine journalistic efforts is the fact that following our guidelines to the K-State fight song, I received many queries from K.U. fans asking me to investigate the words of Missouri's fight song. I learned that these lyrics were common knowledge to Missourians and no challenge for a self-respecting ambitious lyric-researcher to the lyrics were too ridiculously offbeat; report in their conventional form
Not guaranteeing that the lyrics will engross the reader in utter fascination in their slightly altered form, they are certainly not immune to the game than are the regular words, although they will have no relevance by Nov. 25 when the band is scheduled for rivalry with Mizzou in Missouri.
Toss in the ball to Bosilevac.
Lose, Tiger, lose to the Big Blue.
Now you don't have Brewer to protect you.
Lose. Tigers, lose to the Big Blue,
You're in the big time when you
play K U..
We will stomp you 'til you moan and groan
Throw the ball away behind your back.
Mark W. Robinett Kansas City senior
and greet And you'll wish you'd stayed at home.
Some time ago, a Nixon aide boasted to Allen Drury that "The (White House) staff itself is beginning to open up — we don't have any control on the Today Show, which is practically unheard of "Drury, when he reported this, said it was still unheard of as of July, 1971. But after six months he more kept the date, and predictably, he blew
Nixon's "Creeps" Believe
Still, it was good that he surfaced to give his blast on the Today Show—we should get a look, now and then, of the menials among whom Nixon lives and moves. The apparent exception to this rule is the most傲慢-of-Henry Kissinger is the most傲慢-of "experts" to those above him (as the most overbearing of bosses to those below). One cannot understand Nixon at all unless one rememberes that he worked in continual washings of sympathy from his favorite medications.
talk to people
The best thing about Mr. Halderman's previous unavailability was that no one had to take him seriously except the President (who is the only one very good at doing that). Before he became the inaccessible keeper of an inaccessible Oracle, he had a terrible business all alone, but even worse at small talk than his boss, and must take movies everywhere he goes as a way of avoiding having to
It is so hard to respect Richard Nixon, to chug up that long effortful mountain of human obstacle, that those who make it, who actually reach the top, have built up such a head of steamy obsequiousness they tend to careen wildly down the other side, out of all control. Loyalty to the boss drives out other virtues and defines political vice. Thus, when Haledman called the
Thus, when Haldeman called the President's critics, all but traitors, his words, very truly, did not reflect his views. He was not aware were administration whitewaggers
speaking plain truth when they busyly scrubbed along behind him with lye and political detergents. No, if he had spoken his mind, he would have called him "out." His words were not deceptively insisting, but understating his mind.
Haldeman, like his fellows, is the know of man who used to be hired to serve politicians out on the P-R front. It is a sign of our redirection of politics to ad campaigns that such men now sell the candidate day by day, not to the nation at large, but to the candidate. Nixon ran with the living billboards to paper himself up and talk about saying "Nixon's The One." What slogans as a wild occasional squawk on the Today Show, he hears as perpetual *rock* in the corridors.
So the main thing to learn and remember from Haldeman's outburst is not that he made a slip and said something he did not mean, but that he creeps like him all over the White House who really believe what they say.
Copyright, 1972 Universal Press Syndicate
James J. Kilpatrick
And in This Corner...
JACKSONVILLE — George Corley Wallace, governor of Alabama, arrived a few minutes early for a TV interview here the morning before a stage, awaiting the stroke of 10:30, for all the world like a boxer waiting on the bell. Like him or loathe him, the guy is a
His handlers were all around him, fetching water, pressing advice. His beautiful wife was at his side: "Is your color button buttoned, honey?" Out in the studio, 40 or 50 rooters had assembled; it marked the first time, in a series of such interviews at WIXT that an audience had turned up. At 10:25, the studio monitor shifted to a Hubert camera, and the crowd softly groaned, Wallace, playing along, made a face at the TV screen and winked at a straw-wattled blonde in the second row. The high of pure delight came forth.
It was the old electricity flowing. Wallace has it. Few candidates do. In other years we saw flash-point ignition with Estes Kefauver and Adal Stevenson, with John Kennedy and later with his brother Robert. Barry Goldwater could kindle a
Griff and the Unicorn
crowd. Eugene McCarthy had the touch in 1968. It is an indefinable something that sets a current of high excitement in motion, and it is more priceless to a politician than high powered position papers.
The red lights of the cameras flame into action, and Wallace, a one time semi-pro boxer, is instantly in the ring. He leans forward to meet his questioners, left shoulder high, hands failing, feet moving. Tonight the heist begins. He is hit only once, when an antagonist surprises him with a left book on President Allende of
Chile. Wallace clinches, then turns the attack with a general response on foreign aid. At 11
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
By Sokoloff
"The got greatest skill lies in his sheer aggressiveness. He always carries the attack. All of them . . . have publicly failed to oppose busing of children for purposes of racial balance; Wallace never lets the crowds forget it."
"Copyright 1972, David Sokoloff."
By every indication, Wallace is going to win this democratic primary down here on March 14. John Lindsay is gaining, so they say, and Hubert Humphrey is coming on strong. Henry Jackson is coming on strong in the field. The state is awash in order to play. The papers are struggling to keep up with the news. When Humphrey on Monday promised to nominate
o'clock he is done, and once again the crowd is all around him. It is like sitting close to an open fire.
a woman justice to the supreme court, a story that would ordinarily have won top headlines got three paragraphs instead.
The name of the game is Wallace. He is turning out the biggest crowds —3,000 on a rainy night in St. Petersburg—and not just to get fans to turn them on. The question of amnesty comes up. Wallace grimaces with distaste for draft dugouts, "No, mma' am," he says, rapping a hard answer in his soft flannel accent, "I wouldn't grant flannel attention in the audience, clenched fists of approval Fly up like arrows.
He is still the same old Wallace, still jabbing at "intellectual snobs," still strowing punches at men and opponents, but he is older and mellower now. The Miami Herald asked him to define the major issue of 1972. His answer, surgerically, was "national defense."
The governor's greatest skill lies in his sheer aggressiveness. He always carries the attack. When he goes, he hourlies a sheet of concrete that records of Humphrey, Jackson, McGovenn and Muskie. All of them, at one time or another, have publicly failed to oppose the busing of children for purposes of school funding. They never let the crowds forget it.
The Alabaman hasn't a prayer of winning the nomination in July. After the Florida primary, he faces much less friendly country in Pennsylvania. West Virginia, but in a brown-out field, it is on with full voltage. The certified luminaries may be irked by his neon flame, but they will ignore him at their peril.
Copyright 1972, The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
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