Tuesday, January 25, 1972
University Daily Kansan
Kansan Photo by MIKE MOFFET
A New Beginning
The start of another semester always signals for me a new beginning, an opportunity to work on my past mistakes. This time, I say, I'm not going to be late for work. This time I'm going to spend my money judiciously and this time for sure I'm going to make that three-five.
Being Kansan editor pretty much forces me out of the latter two ambitions. it is a sacrifice, but not much of one. For each new semester the Kansan, too, is granted a new learning—not to forget or dismay past errors and inadequacies, but to make another try at whitening them down.
I am grateful to be in charge of this new beginning. The opportunities for making change are enormous. Yet because the Kansan past largely has satisfied me, it will remain substantially the same.
The editorial page is still your page. It has been gratifying in the past that so many readers have taken time to respond to what they have read on it. We hope to expand this semester to contain the thoughts of people, for the more people the page represents, the stronger it will be.
This semester we hope also to receive more contributions from outside the School of Journalism. Though we always reserve the right to edit materials for publication, we welcome any materials our readers submit. The Kansan is not—and never has been—a closed operation.
It is my wish that this semester's paper be responsive, accurate and reliable we will hear about it when it isn't. We welcome to the Kansan for spring 721.
-Chip Crews Editor
Senate Status Quo
Each year about this time we begin to hear how the student Senate should be reorganized. It is student members who sing this old song the loudest.
It is not a bad tune—unfortunately, like Christmas carols—it is seasonal and quickly forgotten.
Now might be the time to begin an intense self-examination. A Senate sponsored committee composed of both senators and non-senators could be given a charge to examine the roll the Senate plays in the community, defining its deficiencies among points, and finally recommend any revisions the committee deems necessary and feasible.
Everyone at this University seems to be in the process of reevaluation and establishing priorities. The Senate should follow suit.
There is no doubt that a penetrating, honest reevaluation
would produce grips and suggestions. The committee could interview students, administrators, campus organization heads, and associate past two. Those interviewed could define the Senate in relation to their needs.
The interviews might answer some serious questions. Is the Senate a legislative body? Or, is the Senate merely the ideological vehicle for distributing $400,000 in student activity fees? These are the prime questions to be considered. Others might examine the function of various Senate officers, attempting to determine if they are worth their salaries—or, if they just contribute to the bureaucracy. Does the Senate have a set of priorities? If not, why not?
Such a reevaluation could inject new vitality into an organization too small to operate without it.
—Thomas E. Slaughter
Garry
Traitors Alone Have Saved Our Honor
Wills
It's time to remind ourselves what war criminals look like. They look like you and me. They are chameleon-criminals, those who did not dissent, who went along—that was their crime. They did not stand out of the crowd, when standing out meant taking risks against a tide of inhumanity.
A good place to go, for calling to mind the reality of war crimes, is Rolf Hochhuth's play *The Deputy*, which deals with war criminals as we, the American victors, defined them during the Nuremberg trials.
Those trials established war-criminal precedent over the world; and, since we were the establishers, we can hardly disown the concepts that grew out of Nuremberg. The point of these trials was to determine which of the top men always did the dirty work—which system, with any efficiency lets that happen? True
responsibility is most distant; it can command so many intermediaries. As Hochhut puts it: "The orders sift down the information. Hiller does not see the (victim)."
An even greater remove from the event, which only moved men closer to responsibility, was enjoyed by the theoreticians of holocaust. They justified with their minds a daughter their scholarly stomachs could not have been forced to wear "wheels splendid men, each one a murder with academic honors."
All this was written before Vietnam; yet how directly, now, i'er zeroes in. Johnson never saw his victims, any of them, in the war. In Harvard's prestige behind our
theoreticians of slaughter. Which brings up another sentence in Hochhuth's play: "The traitors, they alone today are saving Germany's honor. Will only the resisters go down to the army of rame of fate" Vietnam.
If they do not, who will? Certainly those who have led us in and kept us in can claim no prestige from this episode. Early counselors have, almost to a man, done public penitence. Men who have been forced to fire-leading candidate Musk, last time's candidate Humphrey—run on the basis of their repentance. They vie with one another to see who is most sorry for his past support of this war.
And no wonder. Their Democratic
predecessor all but resigned to prove his penitence. And all that Nixon can claim, after supporting the war with all the private rhetoric at his command, is that he “winds down,” defuses, and tries to forget a war he “inherited”
Who can be proud of it, then? Not officials. Not the victims (many dead, many angered, most ignorant of why they suffered). No the victimizers at close range—we convict our Calley, who did see his targets at close range.
Then who did act for honor? The traitors, in as Germany? Defectors, draft-restists, exiles? Now men debate whether these "criminals" to be punished in government. How old, to者 is to pardon our peace criminals? Our war criminals?
The real question is not whether the President should grant amnesty; but if he should receive it, I think he should. I think all those responsible for this grisly war should be pardoned—are we not all, in some measure, responsible?—but only if they repent of responsibility, no matter how partial.
And, so far, the President hasn't—which is the best argument advanced, to this point, against general amnesty.
Copyright, 1972, Universal Press Syndicate
James J. Kilpatrick
Puerto Rican Progress
SAN JUAN, P. R.-At a time when so much of the world seems to be going to the bow-wows, it is downright delightful to come back to Puerto Rico and its islands. In the past year, they are going to the bow-wows. They are going to the bank or down to the beach. This is the happy island. Heaven knows Puerto Rico has its problems. Unemployment hangs around 12 percent. Per capita income is half of Mississippi's. Last year's tourist season was terrible and the effects on pollution demands attention. A radical fringe of "independistas" causes recurring crime. Serious crimes have increased by 20 percent since 1964-65. Susan production has dropped by half in the past 10 years. In the narrow streets of Old San Juan, traffic congestion creeep; it just stays parked with no signs of coming near. The list of lambas is long.
Yet Puerto Rican can look back this spring on 25 years of unbelievable progress. The Operation Bootstrap that began in 1947 has lifted this lovely island out of the forest shadows and into the Caribbean sun. Last year her gross national product leaped to $8 billion. The Commonwealth's growth rate despite the slump in tourist income, amounted to a fat 11 percent.
pany, has a hand in the action. He is a hustler in the baseball sense—a chagney guy, full of the pepper—and he goes seven days after training to shortstop trying to cover the infield by himself. He heads a corporation with assets of $223 million. Its task is to sustain the economic growth, and Arends sees no reason why it can't be done.
Francisco Arends, the young president of the Puerto Rican Industrial Development Com-
Manuel Casiano, director of the over-all development program, known as Fomento, is another young executive who thinks big. His chief concern just now is to regain the momentum of Puerto Rico in order to come out of a sobering shakedown caused by too rapid growth, with too much profit-taking and too little attention to good management. The Condado Beach Hotel went under and six years later the company introduced artificial resuscitation. But a new $14 million convention hall will be built this year on the site of the Condado Beach, and Casiano is so confident of the industry's future that he is actively negotiating with the hotel for inclusion in a Japanese group, for construction of new luxury units.
Meanwhile, the big pitch is toward middle-income tourists from the Midwest, Canada and the Southeast. A promotion office will be opened in Europe this year, in an effort to attract tour groups headed for Disney World. Puerto Rico already is getting a
little piece of European business:
A Soviet cruiseiner, the Tara
Schevkoenig, filled with prosperous
Germans, lured up here last week.
In another field, Casano will put $3.5 million this year into an advertising campaign for Puerto Rican rum. Sales in 1971 gained 14 percent over 1970. Under a new law, rum can now be shipped in bulk for bottling on the mainland; the Bacardi company shipped 75,000 gallons to Florida 10 days before opening. More are even pushing, if you will believe it, a rum martini. It tastes awful.
Much of the credit for this babbling vitality should probably go to Puerto Rico's remarkable Governor Luis A. Ferre, at 86, he had been a teacher for more than 10 years younger, we would have to amend the Constitution and run him for president. Once elected, he would be the first Renascence man in the White House, having served as collector and connoisseur of art, and a pianist of some distinction.
Over the Christmas holidays, as his own tribute to Pabie Casals, Ferrere learned the Beecher art style, and cello. No other governor in the American Union ever heard of the Beethoven Sonata from Opus 69. Puerto Rico has a governor who can play it. On such occasions, how can statehood be denied?
(C) 1972 The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
By Sokoloff
Griff and the Unicorn
Editorial Page Policy
Letters to the editor should be typewritten, double-spaced and should not exceed 500 words. All letters are subject to editing and condensation, according to space limitations and the editor's judgment. Students must provide their name, year in school and home town; faculty and staff must provide their name and position; others must provide their name and address.
Editorials, columns and letters on this page reflect only the opinions of the editors.
"Copyright 1972, David Sokoloff."
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