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Wednesday, January 19, 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN comment
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Five Per Cent Concern
Robert Docking sat placcily among the cheers and bat at the K-State-Kansas game Monday night, where you probably didn't notice him.
No doubt the reason he was not introduced is that in the past such introductions have not elicited warm receptions for the governor. Although Docking has said in the past that his number one priority in the state is education, he has never on any occasion demonstrated that this is in fact the case. The students at KU realize this and consequently never receive him with polite applause.
Docking's recent budget message must have removed all doubt from the minds of any people that weren't sure the governor's number one priority was in fact his own political career.
The basic budget recommendations run like this. Over two and a half million dollars is recommended for salary increases to be awarded on a merit basis at an average of five per cent to the faculty and staff at the university. However, such raises are not to be awarded to those faculty members that primarily do research and those that work for the extension services.
The political overtones of this recommendation are obvious. After subsisting for a year on no pay and no benefits, the company supposed to be overjoyed at the
prospect of a five per cent raise a
raises that goes nearly to the limit
suggested by President Nixon in
Phase 2 of his economic game plan.
The fact that the governor recommends only a one per cent increase for those doing research or working in extension divisions is suppose to demonstrate Docking's concern that the best of the "teaching" faculty members be retained at the University.
Under just a little more than a superficial examination, however, the true effects of the budget recommendations for those receiving the raises must be considered negligible.
Since faculty members received no raises last year, the five per cent increase must be spread over a two-year period, and therefore reduced to only 2.5 per cent, which of course swallowed up quickly by inflation.
Those who work in research and the extension services, many of whom teach also, will have to be given a one half of one per cent increase.
These increases are of course better than nothing, but as a demonstration of Docking's "concern" for higher education they serve as clear proof that such concern simply does not exist.
Robert Docking's chief concern is the next election.
—Mike Moffet Associate Editor
'Larry's'Sinking Ship
Calmers' decision has some profound implications for those with nothing better to do than speculate about university intrigue.
A few things are clear.
In case you missed it—"Larry"
challenger was used a at Ohio
University, his United States
First, Chalmers undeniably must be in Henry Bubb's good graces. This is no small accomplishment. Chalmers and the Regents have been at each others' throats for many of the first months of his chancellorship. If his relationship with the Regents was precarious—or even not cozy—we can assume bailing out would be a natural action on his part. Nothing has burned on campus lately except an occasional pup rally bonfire. The new, stern Larry" has smashed the taceless mix in a shower of austere rhetoric—"Alphas," "Betas," "the student mix," "revealation." This is all pauper talk. Chalmers and the Regents share the economic nightmare of Governor Robert Docking.
Second, Chalmers must feel a
sufficient measure of autonomy and optimism. Besides it being bad form to desert a sinking ship, Chalmers must truly believe in the University of Kansas. Whatever can be said about his short points, he has to be given his due for standing with the University in a bad time. His staying should give some encouragement to those faculty who are, no doubt, considering leaving. It would be a gross mistake to say unequivocally, though, that if Chalmers will stay, should every faculty member. Chalmers' financial position is so much more secure than most faculty that talk of this sort can be no more than a spiritual boost—weak at that.
Finally, it seems clear that this is Larry Chalmers' University and its destination in the next few months—or tests in his leadership or lack of it.
Chalmers' ultimate test will be his ability to shore up the University's vital intellectual and innovative reputation—in the midst of a badly shaken financial support.
—Thomas E. Slaughter
'Soon Any Idiot Can Play'
Nixon 'Tilts' U.S. Pin-ball Game
Bv GARRY WILLS
New York —The President's instructions to his military and intelligence beads was to "tilt" the hat that freed Bangladesh. "Tilt" is
It is a valuable addition to the political vocabulary of Nixon's time. If I were a Maualin or an Oliphant, I would draw a pin-ball machine with wider glass, those bumpered little contact-posts spread wherever presidential primaries are taking place, with
Nixon at the springy ball-launcher, straining with all his body-English to get one more bounce out of each and every oversize ball-bearing sent from the camera, sent obstructions—and, big lie above the gaudy score-window at the top of the machine: TILT.
For that is what Kissinger's term means—coax the machine this way or that, if possible, to give it more registration. Do not support Pakistan—just tilt toward it. Do not oppose India—just be cool to them.
The administration claims there is no contradiction between these principles all rights given—and our public moral posture of neutrality. After all, that is what a museum must do—mouth-get all the muleone can without having to own up to it publicly. The definition of "till"
when earlier he had demanded that Lyndon Johnson win it. The tactic is, while saying you want to win, to work for ending; and while saying you want to end it, to work for winding it up; and while saying you want to wind the war itself down, to settle for the "defung" the war "issue."
In this manner, the country gets cantilevered over for bong riffers and riffles. The stump is by repeating bubble nudges, none of which makes for the big tilt that ends the scoring; and soon we are so punch-drunk that surreptitious we cannot register any hanky-panky. Barry
Syndicated Columnist Garry Wills returns to the Kansas Editorial page for another firefight reflect on the Nixon politics. Wills says Nixon follows a "til" concept, whereby he does not believe he was announced policy shift of having to confess a change in that policy.
against one's own announced policy short of having to confess a change in that policy.
An understanding of this self-subversion of policy is very important for grasping the Nixon politics. For instance: I followed Mr. Nixon around during his 1988 rebellion against the president, remember his promising to “wind down” the war. He was going to end it.
Four years later, that promise has not been fulfilled, but his administration acts as if he had always and can run again with pride. Nixon, you see, has done the necessary "titling," all along, toward a withdrawal policy he barely criticized as a "bugout."
There is no need for surprise. After all, Nixon was only promising to end the war in 1968,
Goldwater, who attacked Johnson with the attack of "Nixon," who has gone farther in the way of accommodation than Johnson
Without, of course, going all the way. Nikon is a no-winler wair and a no-end one; but his former positions have been so arduous that he had to by himself—that we slide from one to the other, not only with no sense of contradiction, but actue at progress, while—when, all the reality is just being dissolved. From "win" to "end" to "wind down" to "defuse" tilt after tilter, till with no public reaction, until with no public reaction, able to play this insensitive pinnacle machine of a nation.
Copyright, 1972, Universal Press Syndicate
Letters Policy
James J. Kilpatrick
Letters to the editor should be typewritten, double-space and should not exceed 500 words. All letters are obligatory and students must provide their name, year in school and home town; faculty and staff must provide their name and position; others must provide their name and address.
The Spectre of State Control
Washington—Let me back to the case of Wisconsin v. Yoder, now pending in the U.S. Supreme Court, and attempt to knit together a few current ideas of the oldest struggle in civilized society against the human between the individual, seeking freedom, and the state, seeking order.
The Yoder case involves the conviction of three Amish fathers who refused on religious grounds to send their children to high school. They thus violated the state's attendance law; they did this willyfully and knowingly, and the facts are not in question.
state therefore has the right, the state and the duty to define education and to insist that its requirements be met.
Calhoun also argues that children have rights, as a matter of law, that transcend the rights of their parents as a matter of
and homemaking; that members of the community are free to attend school, some do; and that the Amish prohibition against higher education, as an essential institution, protected under their First
But if the issue in Yoder is narrow as a matter of law, it is broad in terms of social policy, and it can be re-examine the whole theory of compulsory school attendance; and in conjunction with other events, it incites an increased recitalization of compulsory recreation of American life.
The argument advanced by Wisconsin, through its able Assistant Attorney General John William Calhoun, goes to this point that the inherent power to preserve itself; that an enlightened and prosperous citizenry, capable of understanding democratic processes and of maintaining a government, is essential to education through education can this compelling purpose be achieved; that the
James J. Kilpatrick's first piece of the semester examines a new consideration in the Supreme Court of the "oldest struggle in organized society"—the struggle between the individual and the state.
parenthood. The right of ar-
sentee, the right of education,
he educates, is at least equal
to the rights of the black
fellow in the school
segregation case.
The Amish respond to this effect: That their religious beliefs, the record of good citizenship and presents no danger whatever to preservation of the state; that their education is "educated" in farm husbandry.
emerging. The thrust of last week's school desegregation opinion in Richmond is that the Constitution affirmates that public education—that is, a racially integrated education. Opinion in Los Angeles, Detroit and San Angeles are to the same effect.
The issue is 'has joined. Does the state have the exclusive power to define "education" and "career requirements"? In the past, the Supreme Court uncritically has accepted this proposition. Now the Court must weigh the powers of the state against the rights of people to education of values; and in a free society I think the Amish must prevail.
Amendment right to the free exercise of religion.
This novel constitutional doctrine finds an echo in tax law. Under its taxing power, Congress has provided certain benefits in education and educational institutions generally—ELKlids, for example, and private schools. Now the trend is to say that these benefits may go only to certain lodges and schools—to those enrolling all races.
Other such contests are dimly
In many other fields—in laws
affecting commerce, in rules affecting over-the-counter drugs, in laws affecting the sale of housing, in laws affecting the sexual conduct of consenting adults, the same pattern may be seen.
Where such laws and regulations reflect a compelling appeal to the moral character they may be plausibly defended. But where their effect is to destroy a sense of community, or the freedom of the individual, or to reduce the diversity essential to a free society, their justification demands most prayerful action. The other will hope, will make a nation think.
(C) 1972 The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
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