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Present Opinion Dictates Aid to Formosa Military
By Dennis Branstiter
Editor's note: This is the conclusion of a two-part article examining in historical retrospect the fall of the French government on the Chinese, mainland.
From the diversity of opinion in 1949, a relatively solid U.S. front has emerged on the question of our policy toward the Chiang Kai-shek regime. Today the military and political importance of Formosa is considered sufficiently great to justify millions of dollars in aid. And recognition for Communist China is out of the question.
The Generalissimo occasionally makes vague references to the "imminent" invasion of the mainland to re-establish the Nationalists as the government of all China. But the solid entrenchment of the Communists on the mainland could make any such attempt just a bigger and more disastrous Bay of Pigs fiasco. At least Formosa appears able to defend itself from an invasion by the Communists. Unless we have been misled by Nationalist propaganda, "island fortress" seems to be an apt term.
REGARDLESS OF whether the Nationalists could repulse an attack from the mainland by themselves, we are firmly committed to defend them. Our ability to do so now rests primarily on our naval and air power, which probably could destroy any attempted amphibious landing on Formosa. When China eventually gets her own nuclear missile striking power, the defense of Formosa will degenerate into the threat of massive retaliation. Of course, massive retaliation has become almost interchangeable with defense now that defensive weapons appear to be lagging behind offensive weapons.
THE UNITED STATES position on recognition of Communist China may not be quite so fixed as that on defending Formosa. If the United Nations were to recognize Communist China, the United States would have to recognize the Mao Tse-tung government or withdraw from the United Nations. At best, the United States would be placed in a most embarrassing position.
The United States is not committed to backing any attempted invasion of the mainland by the Nationalists. This may be what is holding Chiang Kai-shek back. Where any invasion of the mainland might be foolhardy, an invasion without U.S. support would be absurd. An invasion might even be absurd with U.S. support.
The only argument against admitting Communist China to the United Nations is that the qualifications of Red China as a "peace-loving" nation described by U.N. admission standards is equally as absurd as the idea that the Nationalist government represents the people of China. Fortunately for the U.S. position, Red China's current invasion of India has placed greater emphasis on the former absurdity than on the latter. The difficult choice between having either to recognize Communist
China or to pull out of the United Nations has been pushed even further into the future.
THERE ARE MANY possible future effects of the fall of the Nationalists on the mainland in 1949.
A Nationalist attack on the mainland could touch off World War III, possibly the last war to be fought with weapons more complex than sticks and stones. A Communist attack on Formosa could have the same effect.
Some wishful thinkers hope the one-eyed dragon will turn to the north for expansion. A war between China and Russia, however unlikely, could destroy both the antagonists and leave the United States as the last of the superpowers.
The most likely possibility appears to be that China and Russia will overcome their differences and find a common means to match their already common dominance — economic and political dominance of the world. When and if this comes about, the Western powers will find themselves in a political and economic war that could make past military wars seem insignificant by comparison.
CHINA COULD pursue the war in India until the United States is drawn in. This would force Russia to decide between joining in and plunging the entire world into war or standing aside while China and the United States exhaust each other.
Small children dream of growing up and becoming somebody important - firemen or astronauts or cowboys or spies for the Central Intelligence Agency.
By Zeke Wigglesworth
Jean Monnet Always Wanted To Do Big Things; Did Them
But Jean Monnet was different. All he ever wanted or dreamed about was "doing things."
Big things. Jean Monet wanted to do big things.
NOT LITTLE things like designing bridges or ponderous monuments in steel and stone . . . not little things like building super highway systems or huge industrial empires . . .
Things like overseeing a combined British and French arms and supply system.
THINGS LIKE persuading two former enemies to pool their resources for mutual benefit to them both — when shortly before they had been slaughtering each other.
Things like taking Western Europe by the bootstraps and raising it to an economic level seen only by visionaries.
Things like being the force and spirit behind the dream of a "United States of Europe."
HIS FAMILY made brandy in the French city of Cognac, and he was sent to Canada to peddle the family pressings when he was only 19.
Jean Monnet has always been doing big things.
He told it this way in a rare interview granted to CBS newsman David Schoenbrun;
When World War I began, his father told him to join the French army, Jean Monnet had other ideas
"I WENT to Paris, asked a friend who knew the Prime Minister to get me an appointment. I remember his astonishment when I told the Prime Minister how to win the war. Very simple I thought it was. Put the British and French resources together completely. Simple as that."
When Jean Monnet talked to the Prime Minister, he was in his early 20's. He was embarking on a career which would cause him to be involved in almost every major event in Western Europe until the present day.
Serving as the coordinator for the French-British supply and arms
system during World War I brought him into contact with many people in high places. These were men who came to know and trust the young Frenchman, and who saw in him a rising thinker, a man who could work things out.
WHEN THE WAR ended, Monnet came to the United States and operated a stock brokerage. He also served as an official of the newly formed League of Nations. And he was doing big things.
He went to China at the call of Chiang Kai-shek and completely reorganized the Chinese railway system.
He was always busy and always on the go. He was doing things.
Strange words for a man like Monnet? Perhaps. But in spite of not being a "financier or economist or statesman or civil servant," Jean Monnet got things done.
"I AM NOT an economist," he says. "I never went to college. I was an indifferent student. I never studied economics and I'm not sure I understand it.
When World War II started, and the Free French government was formed, President Charles de Gaulle made Monnet the coordinator between the Free French and the United States.
"I am not a financier . . . I am not a statesman . . . I am not a civil servant."
"He organized industrialists, politicians and laborers. Devastated towns were rebuilt . . . the French treasury, banking system and mines were modernized. While politicians wrangled, Monnet was achieving an economic miracle in France."
"MONNET HANDED de Gaulle a short memorandum for the reconstruction of France. He was told 'Get on with it.'
And when the war was over, Monet continued to do big things.
In an interview with Monnet, Kansas City Star correspondent Marcel Wallenstein said this:
When Western Europe began to climb out of the rubble where it had been thrown by the Third Reich, Monnet was there, doing things.
Tuesday, Dec. 11, 1962 University Daily Kansan
HE WAS CHIEF administrator for the Schuman Plan, a revolutionary in its approach to rebuilding France and Germany. France had iron, Germany had coal. "Very simple, I thought it was," said Monnet, and he pooled the resources of the two former combatants to give them both prosperity.
Today, Jean Monnet is 72 years old...but he's still doing big things. He has an office in Paris, down the street from the American Embassy and across the way from NATO headquarters. It is here that Jean Monnet plots the path of Western Europe.
He is the president of the Action Committee for a United States of Europe, an organization dedicated to bringing the dream of a unified Europe down to earth.
He and his advisers plan the "step by step, slowly" progress Europe is making toward unification—unification involving economics, politics and spirit.
But this is not the end for Jean Monnet . . . he looks forward to a future of doing things, Jean Monnet wants to do big things.
EVERY TIME a trade barrier is broken down or a supply of Belgian lace sells at the same price in six countries, Jean Monnet is there.
THERE ARE few men, indeed, like Jean Monnet. Not a civil servant, not a statesman, not a financier not an economist, but a combination of all and other things.
"You know," he says, "there are basically two kinds of people in the world: those who want to be and those who want to do." And in the latter category, he says, "there is little competition."
When you pick up a history book to look for Jean Monnet's name, you won't find it. All you will find are the things he has done.
And Jean Monnet has done some big things.
Elephant Has Party, Develops Hangover
ALICANTE, Spain — (UPI) — An elephant saw pink people here yesterday.
Officials of a traveling circus said the five-ton beast broke into a store-room and dunked its trunk in a barrel containing 25 gallons of rum.
The elephant got merry and quite contrary, and developed an elephantine hangover.
BOOK REVIEWS
By Terry Murphy
THE OLD MAN AND THE BOY, by Robert Ruark (Crest, 50 cents).
The African explorer sounds a plaintive cry for a return to the world of his youth when man mingled with nature and values of worth were the sole property of the simple-living country folk.
The 240 pages ooze with home-spun philosophy, intermingled with a wildlife management guide to safety, manhood and common sense. Ruark gave an inadvertent appraisal of the book in one paragraph: "The Old Man, as usual, tried to cram a little culture down me on top of the turkey and the sage dressing, but I dont think I really absorbed much." Why? The parable characters "were really not living in my league." And it is doubtful if many readers are living there either.
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TWENTY YEARS AT HULL-HOUSE, by Jane Addams (Signet Classics, 75 cents).
Unlike many of her time, who were content to live off their riches, or were convinced that it was futile to fight against the survival of the fittest, Jane Addams decided to do something about the abuses of society. Her story is one of the most glorious in the history of American reform.
Her Hull-House still stands, but it has become a great housing development, which still makes opportunity possible for the underprivileged of Chicago. The original house is there, and there the memory of Jane Addams is cherished.
Her Chicago was the Chicago of stockyard workers, civic corruption, immigrants, the starving poor, girls from the country exposed to the vice of the city. At her "settlement house," Jane Addams, starting as a young woman fresh out of college, worked to help the troubled outcasts.
This is her story, and it also becomes the story of a woman up to her neck in civic and national—and later international—problems. It is memorable reading.-CMP
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HOW TO BECOME A SUCCESSSFUL STUDENT, by Otis D. Free and Maurice A. Lee (Crest, 35 cents)—a guide on reading habits and attitudes, studying, planning your work, taking notes, using the library, listening properly, writing examinations, and staying in good health while you're doing all this.
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THE BLUE OF CAPRICORN, by Eugene Burdick (Crest, 60 cents) short stories about the south seas by the author of "The Ugly American." Burdick ranges over much of the Pacific to tell his impressions—some fictional—of the island peoples in essentially non-romantic form.
PRE-CHRISTMAS SPECIAL
THE WEEKENDER Regular Price $29.95; Reduced $21.95 Imported Heek Suede Zip-out Lining
FREE GIFT WRAPPING
We are happy to have Miss Sharie Farrar with us for the month of December. She will be happy to gift wrap your purchases or help you with your gift selections.