Friday, Nov. 2, 1962
University Daily Kansan
Page 3
Issues No Factor in Massachusetts Campaign
(This is the thirteenth in a series of
statistical contests in the 1962 election.)
By Ben Marshall
The emptiest and yet one of the most closely observed races prior to this fall's congressional elections, has been in Massachusetts—to decide who will take over President Kennedy's old seat in the Senate.
The candidates are Edward Moore (Ted) Kennedy, youngest brother of the President, who is running on the Democratic ticket, and Republican George Cabot Lodge Jr.
This race is significant for two reasons:
- There are no major issues separating the two major candidates.
- The election of the President's brother to his old seat could hurt the administration more than could a Lodge victory.
Concerning issues, there is little difference between the two candidates. In terms of experience, Kennedy has had none and Lodge has had little. He was employed by the Boston Herald as a political reporter for four years, and under Labor secretaries James Mitchell and Arthur Goldberg he was assistant secretary of Labor for international affairs.
The candidates' campaign promises show little difference. Lodge bases his campaign on two major points: a system for meeting unemployment in depressed areas of the country with preventative measures taken before unemployment actually occurs, and beating the Soviets in cold war strategy.
KENNEDY FAVORS such things as a jet airport for Worcester, pollution control on the Merrimack River, a federal highway through the Berkshire Mountains, new industries for the state, and a healthcare program for the aged financed by social security.
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Neither platform offers anything to get excited about.
At this point, however, a third candidate enters the picture, running as an independent.
He is Stuart Hughes, a 46-year-old history professor at Harvard University, and a member of another prominent Massachusetts family. Hughes is the grandson of the former Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes, who also was the Republican candidate for the Presidency of the United States in 1915.
HUGHES IS an enigma, to say the least. Not only is he more than liberal, in direct opposition to the conservative political philosophy of his grandfather, but he is the only candidate in the current Massachusetts congressional campaign who is running on any specific platform—socialism.
"I have never been strenuously anti-Communist," says Hughes. "My sympathies have mostly been with democratic socialism."
A look at the campaigning verifies Hughes' statement. He has spoken in favor of U.S. recognition of Red China and East Germany, a drastic reduction of NATO and a closing down of missile bases in NATO countries, and nuclear de-
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In domestic policy, Hughes advocates a 35-hour work week, a $1.50 minimum wage law, government subsidization of housing, and "medical care for all." He has not made the traditional campaign promise to uphold the free enterprise system.
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DESPITE HUGHES' strong stand on specific issues as opposed to the secondary promises of the other two candidates, political experts and pollsters in Massachusetts say that Hughes doesn't have a chance.
The final and perhaps most important consideration in this race is the effect it will have on next year's administration.
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Ted Kennedy's victory in the Massachusetts primaries brought on an issue that goes beyond that state. Sooner or later, the principal issue in the campaign will be "Kennedyism." Many now feel that there are too many Kennedys doing too much to conspicuously and achieving too much power.
cians and journalists believe that Ted Kennedy's primary victory will hurt the administration and Democratic Party badly.
MANY INFLUENTIAL politi-
that the Kennedys have applied the principle of 'the best man available for the job' to everyone but themselves . . . in the end, it is likely to cost the President more votes in the Senate than Teddy will ever give him."
Republican National Chairman William Miller said:
So this race moves on, with few real political issues and many possible political repercussions. Much has been said about Ted Kennedy, and most of it has been bad. On the other hand, nobody says anything about Lodge.
"We're going to take a lot of votes all over the country out of this, because people are now going to think twice about the dynasty issue. It was bad enough making Bobby Attorney General. But even that wasn't the joke this one is. The idea that Teddy is qualified to be a U.S. Senator is ridiculous."
Jonathan Daniels, editor of a strong pro-Kennedy paper, the Raleigh News and Observer, wrote on primary day:
"WHATEVER HAPPENS in Massachusetts today, the implications of Ted Kennedy's campaign will not help the President, the Democratic Party, or the country."
IN POLITICAL CIRCLES, nine times out of ten, bad publicity is better than no publicity at all. The Kennedy impression has been stamped in the voters' minds.
Teddy might have an easy victory.
James "Scotty" Reston, columnist for the New York Times, charged the President with nepotism and abandonment of his own professed standards of talent and ability in letting Teddy run in the first place. "The point," Reston wrote,
"The point," Reston wrote. "is
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