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University Daily Kansan
Friday, December 6,1963
Witch Hunt
In 1692, a West Indian slave woman told some fascinating tales to some children who lived in Salem, Mass. The youngsters, their imaginations carried away by the voodoo stories, began making accusations of witchcraft.
ONCE STARTED, they found it easier to continue rather than to retract their accusations. Thus, the infamous Salem witch trials originated, culminating in the death of innocent folk.
One would think that by the 20th century such fantasies would be the object of scorn. And this is the attitude that many Americans have taken.
However, the early brush with witch hunting seems to have cast a spell over some patriots, for elements of the traditional witch hunt have remained with us.
The witches have taken different forms, but the process of the hunt is still characterized by fear, ignorance, and hysteria.
THE TARGET of many of today's witch hunts is the American Communist, the traitor within. Unlike the witch, the Communist is not a myth. This, however, is the only mitigating factor in favor of today's zealous witch hunters.
The Communist Party, USA, was organized in 1919. "Red Scares in the United States were evident at that time (the conclusion of World War I) and again after World War II. The suppression of civil liberties at these times took different forms.
The earlier period was characterized by arrests, criminal trials, and deportations; methods used later included Congressional investigations, destructive publicity, and indirect pressures. Resistance in the 40's was more diffuse than previously, partly because of greater divisions and differences among liberals.
IN THE '30's and early '40's, the American Communist party was a source of great concern. It claimed 80,000 Americans as members. It was electing candidates to office, spreading propaganda, and sprouting ideas. Idealists were attracted to the party in the belief that it stood for justice in the social and economic order.
The great disillusionment and mass exodus came with the realization that Communist ideology was not the solution to world problems. Stalin's purges, the Soviet-Nazi pact, the suppression of the Hungarian revolt, and other disparities between what Communists say and what Communists do were the sources of disenchantment.
By 1945, the total membership of the American Communist party was 64,000, according to Federal Bureau of Investigation estimates. In 1950, the number was 43,000; in 1955, 20,000; and in 1960, 10,000.
LAST YEAR, the FBI counted 8,500 members including nearly 1,500 FBI informants.
In a speech in 1961, the late President Kennedy identified the witch hunters of today.
"They look suspiciously at their neighbors and their leaders. They call for a 'man or horseback,' because they do not trust the people. They find treason in our churches, in our highest court, in our treatment of water. They equate the Democratic party with the welfare state, the welfare state with socialism, socialism with Communism. They object quite rightly to politics intruding on the military—but they are very anxious for the military to engage in any kind of politics."
LIKE THE WITCH hunters of 1692, today's fanatics have never seen the object of their search. That explains the difficulty in identifying a Communist. That explains why suspicion has fallen on popes, Negroes, Socialists, Democrats, Republicans, court judges—and most recently, the Protestant clergy.
The witch hunters make noise out of all proportion to their real strength. They deserve to be shouted down because they create uncertainty among our allies and give a wrong impression to our foes.
Some of the fervent hunters are wealthy men, infuriated by the tax bite on their payrolls. Some in the deep South are called po' white trash. Some have an unconscious need to hate other people by projecting their fears and doubts outward.
Paul R. Conroy, head of the professional training school of the U.S. Information Agency, knows how hard it is to recognize a Communist.
He sometimes has himself introduced as "Ivan Serov" from Russia. Equipped with Russian accent and mannerisms, he proceeds to baffle and anger his audiences—especially after a heated question-and-answer period.
He shatters and destroys every problem posed by participants, completely infuriating them. Then he announces his true identity. It's an interesting and revealing lesson, but it is effective.
TO COMBAT COMMUNISM effectively, Americans need to do two things: understand the enemy and know what a democracy means.
Fear of the unknown often inspires men to irrational actions. By studying Communism, we know what we are against. By studying democracy, we know what we are for.
We need to know how to express our position articulate. Communists have shown themselves to be sharp and alert in the field of dialectics. Americans can do much to shape opinion in the rest of the world if they will seize the opportunity.
The Red scare probably will stay with us for a long time to come. Professional anti-Communism has become so integral a part of American life that it may outlast the American Communists.
Joanne Shade
The Right to Know Vs. Personal Rights
Abuses have been heaped upon the Dallas police since the brutal murder of Lee Harvey Oswald. The outcries have been less abusive toward the press, which would have a difficult time trying to vindicate itself for its activities in Dallas during the Oswald slaying.
The press and law enforcement agencies have traditionally been cooperative in keeping a curious public posted on the process of bringing criminals to justice. Such an arrangement has been mutually advantageous. For the press, crime makes news. The more sensational the crime, the bigger the news. For the law, keeping the press on the "ins" assures good publicity. When the job is an elected one, such as a sheriff's post, good publicity is insurance of the sheriff's success in the next election.
NEITHER OF THESE by-products further the cause of public service, to which the press and the police are dedicated. More often than not, this arrangement hampers a suspect's right to the due process of law by inciting prejudices and implying guilt before a trial is held.
This alliance between the press and the Dallas police was the contributing factor which made Oswald's murder possible.
In custody of Dallas Police Chief Curry was the most valuable prisoner of this century. There were no measures too stringent for the protection of this alleged killer of the President. Curry was aware of this, but he was also aware of something else.
Outside of police headquarters waited the largest press contingency of newspapermen, photographers, television and radio personnel ever to assemble in Dallas. Through them the world waited and watched. By implication, if not by direct request, the press demanded its momentary glimpse of Oswald before he was loaded into an armored car en route to another jail.
FAILURE TO GIVE the press an unobstructed view of the prisoner entailed the possibility of criticism of the police chief from the fourth estate.
There were no guards blocking Oswald from view as he left the garage door of the police station. Motion picture cameras whirled, flash bulbs popped, and the world witnessed the cold-blooded slaying of this laxly-guarded suspect.
The two-fold duty of the press is to inform the public, and to protect and safeguard the legal rights of persons. When the informing function infringes upon the legal rights of individuals, it is those rights which must take precedence. Similarly, responsible police officers should not hesitate to withhold from newsmen that information which may jeopardize a person's right to the due process of law.
The handling of many facts concerning the assassination of the President, which may have caused international incidents had they been overemphasized, showed good judgment on behalf of the press. The infringement upon Oswald's right to fair treatment under the due process of law indicates the press still has a long road to travel in its maturing process.
- Byron Klapper
Dailü Fransan
111 Flint Hall
University of Kansas student newsnaper
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I THINK OF LIFE AS-
OH, I DONT KNOW
MORE OR LESS
OF A DUNGLE.
QUITE SO. AND IN THAT
REGARD AM I AGGRESSIVE
BECAUSE IM ANXIOUS OR.
AM I ANXIOUS BECAUSE I
FEAR THAT IM AGGRESSIVE.
QUITE THE OPPOSITE.
"I AM, THEREFORE
I FEAR." THAT'S
WHAT IM SAMING.