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New spring styles Cutaway and Sack Suits at Steinberg's Clothing House.
The Weekly University Courier.
The Largest College Journal Circulation in the United States.
Published Every Friday Morning by the
COURIER COMPANY For Kansas University Students.
O. B. TAYLOR, DENT. HOGEBOOM,
President. Secretary
EDITORIAL STAFF:
JOHN A. PRESCOTT, EDITOR-IN-CHEF,
ASSOCIATE
CHAR. JONNSON             V. L. KELLOGG,
B. C. KRYTS               NAM LOVE,
C. R. KRYTS               FEMAN,
FRED. LODDEK           MAY HAIR,
HARRY BUCKINGHAM         MAY CHURCHILL.
BUSINESS MANAGERS:
WILL. A. JACKSON, 1 SOLON T. GILMORE.
From the Press of F. T. FOLEY.
Entered at the post- office at Lawrence, Kansas, as second-class matter.
As our readers will observe, a large portion of our space this week is devoted to the recent contest. If on this account the variety of subject matter should seem limited, we trust we may be pardoned for our protracted enthusiasm over K. S. U's victory. Such glory can come only once a year at most, and why not make the most of it while it lasts?
THE COURIER has just received from Hon. P. B. Plumb, a pamphlet copy of Senator Sherman's reply to the President's message.
The speech occupies twenty-two closely printed pages, and is a thoroughly masterly treatment of the question of tariff, viewed from the protectionist standpoint. No one should fail to read it carefully, be his views whatever they may.
It is reported that the mayor and marshall of the little village of Baldwin, have so far bestrived themselves as to send up word to the "Police Headquarters" at Lawrence, that the K. S. U. students conducted themselves in a most "disreputable and scandalous manner at the oratorical contest. They aver that a vast amount of property, including three or four feet of lumber and several empty dry goods boxes, was entirely and totally destroyed by said students, resulting in great detriment to, and much commercial distress among, the inhabitants of the village. They also indignantly complain that the professors and students kept up such a continuous roar of shouts and song, until such a late hour, that the good people of the precinct, accustomed by rural habits to retire at the seasonable hour of half past seven in the evening, were unable to enjoy their usual slumbers, in consequence of which they arose weary and exhausted the next morning.
But there is one evil which was inflicted last Friday night upon this secluded but righteous village, which its highly venerable officials, whether through ignorance or inexperience, failed to notice. They probably failed to observe the groups of innocence, yet
msophisticated, Baldwin hoodlums (not students) who, like the maple moths in their snowwhite purity flitting about the evening lamp, unconscious of their danger, attracted by the huge and dazzling blaze within the ring of depraved K. S. U. youths, hovered about, ever drawing nearer, until finally in a sudden abandonment of ecstacy they stepped within the fatal circle only to meet a fate worse than that of Sullivan's opponents. Probably the city fathers did not observe this danger to their dear hoodlums or they would have made more strentuous efforts to rescue them and put them in a "safe place," than they did. But, if ever again the village should have the honor of having so large and wicked a horde of students within its borders, it is to beoped that they will diligently guard against this hitherto undetected evil.
THE INTER COLLEGIATE ASSOCIATION MEETING.
THE Association was called to order at 9:30 A.M., Feb. 11, in Centenary Hall, with Pres. F. A. Wright, or Ottawa University in the chair. The following delegates were present Messrs. Isery and Hoover, of Ottawa University; Gault and Foster of Baker University; Parrington and Johns, of the College of Emporia; Huggins and Rhodes, of the State Normal; Brewster and Bloss, of Washburn College; Doran and Mushrush, of the State University, also Vice-President Higgins, of the State University, and Secretary Platt, of Washburn College.
For the ensuing year the following officers were elected: Pres., J. A. Mushrush, State University; Sec. and Treas., S. F. Harker, Ottawa University; 1st. Delegate, J.W. D. Anderson, Baker University; 2nd. Delegate, D. H. Platt, Washburn College; 3rd. Delegate, J.M. Parrington, College of Emporia. Emporia was designated as the place for the holding of the next contest. Article 7, Section , was amended by inserting the words "only two delegates * * * two votes," thus preventing one college from sending more than two delegates as the University had done in this case. Article 12, Section , was amended so that the minutes of meetings of the association will be read and adopted at the close of each annual meeting instead of having the minutes of one meeting read at the opening of the next. A negative reply was made to the applications of Garfield University, Wichita, and Wesleyan University, Salina, for admission into the Association. Higgins, of the State University, was instructed to compile a history of the State Association, of which three hundred copies will be printed, and fifty sent to each college Association, together with fifty copies each, of the constitution of the Association. Votes of thanks were tendered to the students and faculty of Baker University, to the citizens of Baldwin, to the executive committee and to the judges. The constitution was amended so that hereafter six judges shall be appointed, three to grade the orations in thought and composition, and three to grade them in delivery. The Convention then adjourned at noon.
MR. STEBBINS' ORATION
The existence of political parties seems to be inevitable in representative governments, and wherever they have existed, partisanship has been constantly influential in moulding the minds of men on political questions. The history of the United States is largely a record of partisan strife. Party fealty has been inseparably interwoven with the political life of the nation. Loyalty to party impels great masses of people to vote for men and measures they know little or nothing about, and fixes firmly in their minds theories of government and finance that are perpetuated through many generations, and determine governmental policies long after the causes giving rise to them have been forgotten. It is, therefore, of the highest importance that American voters should know the proper attitude toward political parties, and endeavor to assume and maintain it.
Let us now proceed to inquire what relations at present exist between the masses and our great parties, and what are the causes that produced them. Then let us determine, if possible, in what respect these relations may be improved.
ARTICLE I.—Every man should belong to some political party,which, once selected,should never be abandoned.
The political creed of the average man in the United States to-day reads somewhat as follows:
ARTICLE II.—Any person who shall see anything unworthy in his own party, and who shall be indiscreet enough to say so, shall be deemed to have proved himself either a fanatic or a fool, and unworthy the confidence of his fellow-men.
ARTICLE III.—To express the opinion that one sees something worthy in the opposing party is the height of inconsistency, and conclusive evidence that the person guilty of such an opinion is no statesman, and therefore not safely to be trusted with the affairs of government.
This, at least, is the creed the great mass of the American people live, whether they believe it or not. Will these precepts stand the test of time? Is this a sound creed? No. It is unsound, unwise, unjust. It has little or no foundation in good sense or good policy, because it teaches the voter to follow party blindly.
Why, then, are there so many men who encourage by word and deed this narrow and unmanly political creed, with the degrading political vassalage it implies? The reasons are not hard to find. Passive acquiescence in party action commends itself to all who are too indolent to post themselves on political questions, because, to their minds, it affords an easy escape from all personal effort or responsibility. Again, there is in man an inherent and almost uncontrollable aversion to change in after-life the associations, social, religious, or political, of younger and more ardent days. Every such change causes an effort and a pang. All the men the world has produced, whose minds have been open to receive new truth on great questions, after the age of fifty, and who have stood ready and willing to be guided by such truth, might almost be counted on one's fingers. The priest says: "Give me the child till he is fourteen and you may have the man." When to man's inherent tendency to retain that which is familiar to him, we add the pride he takes in being an integral part of a great political organization, we have a shield for party loyalty against which may be directed the arrows of logic and truth without
perceptible effect. Then, this creed has been urged upon the people by politicians since parties were formed. To convince people of its soundness every devise known to the English tongue has been used. And, as a final cause for the almost universal acceptance of this political creed, may be mentioned the fact that it requires moral courage of no mean kind to step boldly forth at all times and proclaim what one believes to be the truth, regardless of who else may hold like opinions.
Political parties are not only inevitable in republican governments, but they may be made instruments for great good, when kept within their proper spheres,—when used as means, not ends. It is a man's right; yea, many times it becomes his duty, to be a partisan, but his partisanship, as far as possible, should be intelligent, growing out of convictions based on original investigation, and not a blind adherence to a mere name. He should support party so long as his party is an instrument he can use to secure honest government, good laws, and sound policy; and the moment it ceases to be this instrument,—the moment these functions are no longer performed through it, that moment it should cease to have any claim on his support. Partisan let him be, yet also non-partisan enough to know when that moment arrives.
There is under the burning sun but one way of keeping politics pure, so that our best men may be our guides and rulers, so that our laws may be the issue of sound reason, and the administration of them the purest justice; but one way, I say, and that is by making men feel that the responsibility for good government rests with the individual, and that he cannot elude this responsibility by allowing his party to think for him. No political party in power will long remain pure and undefiled, unless a healthy, wise, impartial public sit in judgment on its every act, rewarding only its good deeds by approbation, and visiting upon its first attempt to wander from the path of justice and purity, an inevitable omnishment.
The effect of blind partisanship upon politics is obvious. As soon as a party gains power it attracts to its ranks thousands of unscrupulous men, who, caring little for principle, are willing to stoop to any device to become themselves leaders in the winning party. A struggle at once begins between the base and the better elements of the party. Now, if the people are blind partisans, if they hurrah for everything that goes under the party name, if they do not discriminate between the worthy and the unworthy, condemning the latter by withholding their support at the polls, the struggle will be a short one; the pure and the patriotic to the party will go to the wall, and the rabble of demagogues will reign supreme; because unrestrained and unhampered by a sense of duty, the demagogue can wield with deadly effect weapons the man of honor would scorn to touch.
Many reasons might be urged, if any were needed, why partisanship should be intelligent. It should be so, for example, to restore and preserve the purity and efficiency of our civil service. It is this unwise political creed, of which I have spoken, and the corrupting partisanship flowing from it that have made it possible for political parties openly to practice and many times openly to advocate that most despicable and pernicious of all political dogmas that ever disgraced the American people—the spoils system—a system which denies a public office to be a public trust, but would make it a
prize offered by the people to the winning politician. Blind partisanship makes civil service reform impossible. Mark its effect upon national affairs.
It is presidential election. From all sides goes up a prolonged cry for civil service reform. All are agreed that this time we must have a man for President of the United States who will appoint officers of government with reference to their efficiency, and not as a reward for political services. Several men are nominated for the presidency. All pledge themselves to the principles of civil service reform. Perhaps when these pledges are made, all intend to fulfill them, and believe it will be possible for them so to do. Time rolls on; one of these men is installed at the White House. The next day, Washington swarms with politicians from all parts of the Union, seeking reward at the hands of the President for services rendered in securing his election. They demand the offices. He hesitates and reminds them of his pledges. To this no direct reply is made, but an increased demand for the spoils of the victory. Again he hesitates. But now he is given to understand that he can distribute the offices or be deserted by his party and left without friends or prestige to maintain the dignity of his position or to secure a respectable place in the history of the country. This is the crucial test! Now the critical moment! Now the time for the people of all parties to rise above petty partisan jealousy, and to say, "Be the true your pledges, let the turban your pledges, if they will; we are your friends and will record our approval at the polls." They do not do it. He suddenly realizes that he is surrounded, that he has no way of escape that will be honorable and at the same time command power and respect. To go forward means hopeless conflict with angry politicians and blind partisans of all parties. To go backward, double dealing and broken pledges; but he sees that his own party will hurrah for him just as lustily if he is false as true to his pledges; that the opposing party will condemn him just as bitterly if he is true or false. What is the result? What will ever be the result, so long as men seek not truth, but blindly follow empty names? He yields, satisfies the politicians, and secures his renomination by acclamation; and all the while the people vaguely wonder why they can never get a man for Chief Executive of this nation who will be true to his pledges for civil service reform.
Partisanship should be intelligent to preserve in political life, that, without which, there can be no true excellence—a disposition at all times to seek, proclaim and respect the truth. In no other department of honorable human effort, is there so little respect paid to the truth as in politics. In the ranks of the Democratic party stand thousands upon thousands of voters who have put on the Democratic spectacles, and who are careful never to look at anything except through these glasses, which are so noulded and colored as to make everything bearing the party name, assume the guise of golden truth. If the Democratic party advocates low tariff, they will vote the Democratic ticket; if it favors high tariff, they will vote the Democratic ticket; if it preaches one thing and practices the other, they will still vote the Democratic ticket. In the Republican party stand a like number who gaze through the Republician glasses, and will do for it precisely the same thing. What wonder that, under such circumstances, the real question in admitting a territory
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