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University Daily Kansan
Friday, Oct. 25, 1963
If Goldwater Wins
A recent Time magazine poll indicated that Barry Goldwater has a strong chance of winning the 1964 presidential election if he carries Texas, a state in which the fortunes of the GOP and Barry grow daily.
Republican palms across the country are sweating over the possibility of tumbling the mighty Kennedy regime and sending it packing to Hvannis Port and the Riviera.
Republicans and anti-Kennedy Democrats, if they feel any sense of this responsibility, need to examine the silver-haired politician who is to fight their battle with the fair-haired boy.
In particular, I suggest examination of Gold-water's views as outlined in his best-seller, "Why Not Victory"?
CONSIDER. FOR example, his views on:
(1) Co-existence—"Victory is the key to the whole problem; the only alternative is—obviously defeat."
(2) Neutral nations—"The first stage of a Communist take-over is 'neutralizing' a country."
(3) The nature of the rise of Communism— "It does not help any to adopt the false notion that Communism is spawned by poverty, disease, and other similar social and economic conditions. Communism is spawned by Communists, and Communists alone."
(4) Nuclear fission bomb test bans—"We must not again abandon nuclear testing." (The book was written after the beginning of the 34-month moratorium during the Eisenhower administration.)
(5) The United Nations—"We must guard against confusing the UN's meagre accomplishments with its grandiose plans and pronouncements. It is useful only so long as it serves the interests of the Free World." (Free World means
anything not under Communist domination, according to Barry.)
(6) American power—"We are ashamed of our strength and hesitate to use it at times when only by the vigorous use of American power can we hope to avoid disastrous conflict."
THE LAST STATEMENT probably best summarizes Goldwater's position. It is "hard line." It is aggressive and militant. Unlike the Kennedy administration's policies, Goldwater's could be expected to be uncompromising.
Projecting his tenets on foreign policy into a hypothetical Goldwater administration, Americans could expect:
(1) Resumed nuclear testing, if a reason could be found to sidestep the obligations of the treaty.
(2) Suspension of aid to neutralist or leftist nations, such as Yugoslavia, Indonesia, Ghana and possibly India.
(3) Strong reaffirmation of all military commitments around the globe.
(4) A weakening of the United Nations.
(5) An attempt to eradicate Communism from Cuba, if necessary by force.
(6) Weakening programs which — according to the liberal ideology—clip Communism in the bud by altering conditions which supposedly foster communism. This means slowing down massive economic aid, ending pressure on Western European nations to dispense with colonialism, etc.
GOLDWATER MAY be right. However, the immediate risks in such a program are greater than in Kennedy's, simply because Goldwater's objectives are more far-reaching and he seems impatient to obtain them.
-Tom Coffman
1.
The People Say...
Bury Goldwater
Editor:
This is in response to your article of last week concerning college, support for Goldwater. I feel that many of the comments made were very questionable.
The worst offense Jerry Dickson, head of the collegiate Young Republicans, commits is when he tries to foresee faculty objections to Goldwater and then answers them with ad hominem arguments. He says, for instance, that most faculty members grew up during the Depression and thus are prejudiced against the Republican Party. Even so, that does not tell us the truth or falsity of their arguments against Goldwater. That we have to decide for ourselves. Eesides, those faculty members damn better well be prejudiced, or else they didn't learn anything from their experience. The only adults today who still support the Republican Party in any large
manner are those properly interested who didn't suffer in any fundamental way (hunger, unemployment) as a result of the Depression. The rest, the disinherited, have every reason to regret the existence of the Republican Party.
Finally, Dickson's comments on the amount of support he sees for Goldwater are very arguable. Nowwhere does he give evidence that "college students are generally Republican," or that 60% of those who could vote in 1960 voted for Nixon. These things may seem
Dickson's other argument against the faculty, concerning research grants, is also ad hominem, but his objection to them based on their supposed ignorance of a universal "drive for power" is more valid. However, as R.H.S. Crossman has observed, "It is not power, but the legitimation of the lust for power, that corrupts absolutely." Take note, young Goldwaterites!
quite natural and right to people who come from the Kansas area, which is largely Republican. But when one realizes that the number of Democrats in just one of California's 16 state colleges out-numbers all the students here at KU, Dickson's argument (?) sags immeasurebly. Furthermore, Gold-water, who wants to wage a Holy War against communism, has a natural appeal to people raised in the Bible Belt, of which Kansas is a part.
Besides, what sort of appeal is Dickson trying to make by his above statements? It's the old one of "Come on, kids, join the bandwagon. Everyone else is doing it. Conform! Get behind Goldwater." But I understand Dickson's plight—that is the only appeal left open to him. He certainly can't point to the rational arguments of such a man as Goldwater!
Steve Heeren Fontana, Calif., grad.
BOOK REVIEWS
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, by Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaisser (Premier, 75 cents).
Two editors have herein compiled a story of the French Revolution through contemporary documents, diaries and eye witness accounts. The famous Andre Maurois has contributed a preface. The result is an inexpensive volume that should be of considerable interest to students of history.
The account begins with the movement on the Bastille and concludes with the guillotining of Robespierre in the black days of the Reign of Terror. Pernoud and Flaisser have found their accounts in the diary of Gouverneur Morris, recollections of Mirabeau, histories of the Revolution, the diary of Louis XVI, memoirs of emigrants, letters of the sister of Louis, writings of Daudet, of Goethe, Prudhomme, Charlotte Corday, Camille Desmoulins, Joseph Bonaparte and many others.
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THE LIVING THOUGHTS OF THOREAU, presented by Theodore Dreiser (Premier, 60 cents).
A new volume in Premier's "Living Thoughts" series, this offers extracts from the works of the lonely man of Concord, the rebel of his times as Drieser, the collector, was the rebel of his times. Though such a book cannot substitute for "Walden" or "A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers," it presents in simple, almost indexed, form the basic ideas of Thoreau.
Dreiser debates with himself at some length as to whether Thoreau actually was a philosopher, in the sense of a man who collects in ordered fashion his views on life. This, as Dreiser concludes, is irrelevant, for the thoughts of Thoreau offer a considered philosophy, even though one searches for them in nature passages, diaries, or poetry.
Subject matter of the Thoreau thoughts included is forms in nature, time, universal laws, knowledge, the problem of morals, free will and necessity, good and evil, emotions, society, religious institutions and social institutions, friendship, "the good life," art and beauty, progress, life as imagination and illusion, and death.
THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND, 1641-1660, edited by Charles Blitzer (Capricorn. $1.65).
This is a volume of critical documents of the English civil wars, the Commonwealth and protectorate. As such it has significance in understanding the Puritan rule and the era of Oliver Cromwell.
Blitzer's selections show how the English revolution was the first modern revolution and one that set the example for others to come. The editor has selected contemporary portraits, firsthand observations and significant documents—writings by Harrington, Hobbes, Baxter, Milton, Clarendon and John Evelyn.
Dailij Mänsan
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THEEREFORE, YOU
TAKE NO POSITION,
SAU, IN THE
CURRENT FIGHT
FOR THE
REPUBLICAN
NOMINATION!
WHILE IT IS TRUE THAT GOVERNOR ROCKEFELER WAS A PREMATURE RADICAL MIDDLER WE SEE SIGNS OF SENATOR GOLDWATER BECOMING A LATENT RADICAL MIDDLER. THUS IN OUR VIEW THERE IS NO IMPORTANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THEM.
WOULDN'T YOU CALL THAT A SURPRISING STATEMENT IN VIEW OF THEIR STATED POLICY DIFFERENCES?
BUT IF ALL WHO WIN POWER COLLAPSE TO THE SAME POSITION WHAT'S THE POINT OF ELECTING ANYONE?
THE RADICAL MIDDLE
BELIEVES THAT ALL
POWER, ONCE OB-
TANED, COLLAPSES
TOWARD THE MIDDLE,
IT LITTLE MATTERS
WHAT AMONE
SAWS HE STANDS
FOR.
THE RADICAL MIDDLE STRONGLY FAVORS FREE ELECTIONS JUST SO LONG AS THERE CONTINUE TO BE NO REAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE PARTIES. THEM SERVE AS AN INTERESTING TRIBAL RITE AND MAKE MARVELOUS PROFAGANDA VALUE.
THEY YOU
HAVE NO
PREFERENCE
AT ALL IN
YEAR'S
ELECTIONS?
The Hall Syndicate, Inc.
WE HAVE MET THE CANDIDATES AND THE ARE OURS.