306
ENGLAND'S RECORD ON THE SLAVE QUESTION.
bound the nation. To obtain the requisite majority for its alteration was, under the circumstances, impossible.
Is it any wonder then, that with one part of our people bound by a blind reverence for the constitution, and the other doubly fettered by pecuniary interest and inherited prejudices-prejudices to which no part of the English people had ever been subjected is it any wonder, I ask, that slavery maintained its grasp on this nation for years after Britain had formally abolished it in her colonies? From circumstances so diverse, from disadvantages to our nation so great, it is manifestly unjust to institute a comparison or contrast unfavorable to the United States.
But the secret springs and actuating motives of national as well as individual policy are frequently best detected by the strong light thrown on them by subsequent events. The pages of the world's history must in some places be read backwards in order fully to understand their true import. Let us, in this manner, read one chapter of English history and note what it discloses.
For fully a quarter of a century after her own slave legislation, Britain lost no opportunity of taunting America with the reproach on her civilization. She availed herself of every chance of egotistically pointing out to the United States what she had done, and emphasizing in every way "I am holier than thou." When, therefore, the trouble in this country culminated in the civil war, our statesmen had certainly good reason to expect that the sympathies of England would be with the cause of freedom; and that if she gave that cause no active assistance she would at least put no stumbling blocks in the path of its advocates and defenders. Of the hypocrisy, treachery and perfidy of England during the civil war; of her base abandonment of the high moral stand she had previously
taken; of her sordid barter of principle through greed of gain; of her open violation of every maxim of international law; of the notorious sympathy and substantial aid given by her to the slave-holding power, let the history of that bloody period tell.
When the late civil war began, our most astute statesmen predicted that it could not last a year. The length and bitterness of the conflict proved how sadly they were deceived. They were mistaken simply because they left out one important factor in the calculation. They did not suppose that a nation which had been for years advocating universal liberty, could be infamous enough to throw her might into the scale against freedom, and give the lie to her own reiterated professions.
The opening of the war found the South with plenty of men—equipped with little except pluck and determination. In the North the condition of things was even worse; but the North was and had been a hive of industry, teeming with factories, workshops and foundries. In these the outfitting for armies was speedily prepared. A sight draft was drawn on American ingenuity and enterprise and was duly honored.
Had the South been immediately dependent on herself—having no direct means of arming and equipping her forces—before she could have well prepared for the struggle, it would have been over. But it did not suit the selfish purpose of England that the strife should terminate so speedily. She saw in the rebellion an immense avenue of trade opened up to her, unlimited profit to be gained from commerce with the South. Whatever the upshot, therefore, England would reap a rich harvest by prolonging the conflict. England wanted the Southern produce—cotton—for her factories; the rebels wanted the British guns, ammunition and accoutrements, without which they could not hope to make an effective fight.