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CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.
throughout the land there will come an increased demand for thorough instruction in view of these competitive examinations.
Many objections are urged against this measure; most of the arguments used seem of little value. Theoretically this measure seems a good one—only time can prove it. If there are evils under the new system, certainly the evils at present existing are much greater. It is sometimes necessary that a public evil should run its course and show its worst form to the public. The civil service of the United States seems to have advanced sufficiently in its downward course. The friends of the spoils system have all along had on their side that which is worth much argument, habit. The American people have grown used to the spoils system. No youth or middle-aged man remembers any other. Most men, who have never given the subject any special attention, do not think of any other as possible. Politicians have relied, with good reason, on a powerful and prolonged resistance from popular habits to any attempt at change.
Carl Schurz says: "A very large majority of professional politicians of both parties continue to hate civil service reform with a sincere and robust hatred because it threatens to spoil their business, to throw most of their arts out of the market and to deprive them of their plunder. But as the movement grows steadily in favor with public opinion they have discovered that there is a popular demand to satisfy. Many of them who still hate it at heart as much as they ever did, now profess to be themselves in favor of some sort of reform, which they pretend to be able to accomplish with their own methods. Much of this profession is that kind of hypocrisy which is called a tribute paid by vice to virtue. It is certainly not genuine virtue, but the mere fact that vice recognizes the necessity of paying
tribute to virtue is a valuable sign of progress."
Through the success of this movement nothing would be lost to a party but partisan spoils—opportunities of removals without cause and of appointments without merit-money pillaged from the servants of the people and votes bribed by the promises of places. True party vitality will be strengthened rather than enfeebled; political contests will turn upon great principles and will be decided by appeals to the reason and conscience of the people.
Leaders are needed. What statesman shall be the champion of this great movement? Speeches, discussions, sermons are needed. Tongue, pen and press are responsible for a mighty, great influence for good or evil. Clergymen and teachers especially, should support this system. "It is time that the ministry of the United States should rise to its feet and declare its right to be heard on the terrific evil of election frauds."
But most of all is needed the hearty cooperation of the people at large. The people themselves share with their rulers the infamy of the iniquitous life and doings of this system. They alone can put it to death. It is a work which challenges the wisdom, the courage, and the perseverance of our greatest public men, and of our most patriotic and virtuous citizens. Let the leaders do their duty and the masses will never be wanting in theirs. They have never been wanting hitherto.
All the historical work of the John Hopkins University is of especial value, and students are now enjoying a rare opportunity in hearing a course of lectures on the relation of history to politics, given by Dr. H. von Holtz, of Germany, whose work on constitutional history recently excited such wide comment.