S
UNIVERSITY COURIER.
The late proceedings in the Legislature seem to indicate a practical transfer of our Normal department to Emporia. While we shall be sorry to lose the Normals, it is at least questionable whether this removal might not be for the best. For some years to come there would seem to be no need of two Normal schools in this State. Since Emporia already has the building that place would certainly be preferred in case of transfer. Concentration of energies might improve the quality of the product. Academic work has always been the bane of our Normal schools and teachers institutes. If our Normal schools trained teachers as other special schools train their students, we should have very many less teachers to whom teaching is a means and not an end, a makeshift and not a business. For the same reasons it is to be hoped that the bill to establish district Normal schools, now before the House, will fail to pass. These district Normals would only grind out additional hordes of fifth-rate teachers, of whom we have too many already. On the other hand to bring the Normal from Emporia here would be about as sensible as to bring the Agricultural from Manhattan. Neither is essential to the University. Then, with the departure of the Normals would go one of the two reasons for keeping the Preparatory department. There is a value in centralization of resources and in concentration of energy which should not be overlooked in deciding this question.
"R."
RAILROAD LEGISLATION.
The railroad question is now agitating a great portion of the West. Several States have had practical laws of relief from extortion for a number of years and the people of adjoining territory naturally clamor for similar redress. It is more than probable that the fond hopes of Kansans are doomed to disopointment. It is not necessary for the legislator to pull off his coat and fight every effort to control corporations, in order to be a "railroad man." In the present state of feeling such a course would be destructive to the interests of both a law-giver and his wealthy client. Persons familiar with Kansas politics readily recognize in some of the champions of the people's rights, the recent retainers of corporations. To make an effectual law requires knowledge as well as zeal, tact as well as talent, moderation as well determination. There is as much danger of overdoing as of underdoing the matter, but the greatest danger is of doing nothing at all.
The House and Senate have each agreed upon a railroad bill. That of the former fixes maximum rates of toll; that of the latter, known as the "Kelley bill," makes no such provision, but offers a method for complete investigation. The railroads could hardly wish for a better state of affairs. Neither house will be likely to yield or compromise, no relief will be given and each legislator can return home with a clear record showing his ardent labor in behalf of the people. G.M.
ABRIDGING THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE.
The right of suffrage is a many-sided, intricate and misunderstood question. Wise heads have tried to unravel it and to explain it satisfactorily. Many, too, have given what seems to them a plausible justification for universal suffrage; they have urged that it is a natural, God-given, unlimited right, as is life, liberty and equality; and that to abridge it is inconsistent with the principals of free government. But when men demand universal suffrage on the ground that it is a natural right they forget that suffrage is given, not for the benefit of the individual, but for the benefit of the State.
The constitution does not abridge suffrage. The framers of that instrument, with dangerous liberality, extended to every one, except slaves, the right to vote; seeming to disregard the fact that a great part of our population might be too ignorant to know, or too vicious to care, whether they were voting for the good or evil of our Republic. The Congress of 1867 removed another barrier to universal suffrage by giving suffrage to a class of unfortunate people, ninety-nine one-hundredths of whom were too stupid to understand the simplest political question, even when explained to them.
No one will deny that the leaders who brought forward this measure were actuated by the most humane and noble motives. I do not think that the immediate effect of the negro vote has been injurious to the movement of our government.
But the future effect of such a measure is questionable; it establishes a dangerous precedent. Men argue, with an air of superiority which excludes all doubts, that experience and practice are the best teachers for men; that the negro, and everybody else, must learn the value and importance of the ballot by its exercise. But as for me, inexperienced as I am, give me sailors who know something of the State-ship, of the compass, of the ropes, not land lubbers and mutineers, to manage it on the broad bosom of national life.
Many sincere and noble persons went South, and sacrificed life, hope and happiness in the cause of negro education. But there were some Northern men who went South, ostensibly to see that the newly enfranchised negro was not interfered with in the free exercise of his right, but in reality to obtain position at the hands of this new power. They obtained the positions through an appeal to the passions of the negroes. They used every means possible to arouse hostility between them and the Southern whites. The arousing of one class against another by an appeal to the feelings and passions, is what we have reason to fear. The negroes were made to believe that all men voted because they are equal—a most fallacious doctrine, dangerous to our safety. There is no such thing as equality among men; nor do I think that our ancestors ever believed that men were morally, socially and intellectually equal.
Now, history shows that one of the chief dangers to a republican form of government is that eloquent and scheming men can secure power by control over the ignorant masses. An appeal to the passions of an ignorant man never fails to meet with success. We cannot control the schemer but we can by education elevate the instrument above his power. Intelligent men know that the passions and feelings are not reliable guides when great political issues are before the people.
But the negroes, I speak only of the grossly ignorant ones, are not the only persons disqualified for the right of suffrage. We are unfortunate enough to have in this country numerons social organizations that openly declare the President to be as much a despot as the Czar of Russia and that he ought to be put out of the way. They send infernal machines to citizens and to officials who thwart their designs. I ask any fair-minded and