OPINION The University Daily KANSAN November 8,1983 Page 4 The University Daily KANSAN Published since 1889 by students of the University of Kansas The University Daily Kansas (USPS 80-640) is published at the University of Kansas, 118 Stauffer Flint Hall, Lawrence, KA 60045, daily during the regular school year and Monday and Thursday during the summer semester. Subscribes are $1 for six months or $27 for a year outside the county by mail are $1 for five months or $27 in Douglas County and $18 for six months or $3 for a year outside the county. Student subscriptions are $1 a semester paid through the student activity page. POSTMASTER $1 a semester paid through the student activity page. MARK ZIEMAN Editor DOUG CUNNINGHAM Managing Editor STEVE CUSICK Editorial Editor DON KNOX Campus Editor PAUL JESS General Manager and News Adviser ANN HORNBERGER Business Manager DAVE WANAMAKER Retail Sales Manager MARK MEARS National Sales Manager LYNNE STARK Campus Sales Manager JOHN OBERZAN Advertising Adviser Art of teaching It is an art to be able to take knowledge from your head and place it in another's. Often that valuable bit of learning passes out the window with the stares of daydreaming students or it gets lost in the foggy mind of a student about to nod off. That's why a dose of zest and enthusiasm in a teacher's presentation to a class can be effective. It helps set up a communication link between teacher and students, and the information flows clearly from one to the other — learning. Minds tune in, adrenaline starts pumping and student thought expands, breaking thought barriers students didn't even realize moments before The winner of this year's HOPE award, Erica Stern, has the right idea. That's probably why she won the award. She looks at her classes and she thinks about what she wanted in a teacher when she was in school. And the secret ingredient for teachers — "enthusiasm — that transfers quicker than anything," she says. "You can tell if they are not interested in what they are teaching." Humor makes for an added spice, she said. "Sometimes I use humor on purpose because I have to be interested in what I say or I stop listening to myself." And the sleepers must be kept awake. "I wake them up," Stern said. "I used to be a student who slept in class, front row, center seat. I don't take offense but I don't let them do it." All adds up to the Stern approach for teaching students: "You have to get the information across. I use personal experience because if I can make a point in day-to-day life, they will remember it. And I use humor because of the emotional tone. Then it is filed in the memory and the emotions." A fine philosophy for a deserving HOPE award winner. Reagan's Far-East trip President Reagan takes his show on the road this week as he visits Japan and South Korea. Reagan's reception is likely to be less than overwhelming, considering the events of recent weeks. Japan, the president's first stopover, is among the U.S. allies to publicly oppose the invasion of Grenada by the United States. Since the invasion — "rescue mission," as Reagan says — the president has repeatedly tried to characterize the operation as a reasonable, indeed imperative, step. Reagan will need all of his persuasive skills and all the help that he can muster from various world leaders if he is to convince other countries of the necessity of the invasion. The Reagan administration has made a point in recent weeks of bringing in leaders from the Caribbean nations involved to support their move into Grenada. The latest leader to visit was Jamaican Prime Minister Edward Seaga, who was in Washington Sunday. Other Caribbean leaders to call at the White House include Mary Eugenia Charles, the prime minister of Dominica, and John Compton, the prime minister of St. Lucia. Charles was at Reagan's side when he announced the invasion Oct. 25. She also is chairman of the organization of Eastern Caribbean States. Compton was at the White House — and voiced his support for the operation — just hours before Reagan's televised address to the nation a few days after the invasion. The leaders of the Eastern Caribbean are solidly behind Reagan. But then they are the ones who asked for the invasion. And the American public seems to be moving toward a higher level of support for the president in view of the Grenada invasion. Reagan, however, will face a different audience in Asia. More suggestions about parallels between American and Soviet actions are likely to be brought up, however much Reagan might dislike such comparisons. Reagan would do well to have his most convincing arguments ready, because many world leaders are still skeptical of the U.S. position. New rules hurt poor The Reagan administration continues to propose regulations that tend to make the nation's hunger problems worse, not better. The federal Food and Nutrition Service has drafted a new, stricter set of rules to make it easier for the government to reduce or deny food stamps to many poor people by requiring applicants to list welfare benefits, energy assistance and medical insurance payments as income. The rules also would force the very poor, who make less than $150 a month and have less than $100 in assets, to wait for food stamps until they can produce documents certifying their need. The new regulations are an overreaction more punitive than helpful. If President Reagan is sincere when he says he wants to help the hungry, he should recognize that the new rules are a mistake and order his secretary of agriculture to drop them. —Seattle Post-Intelligencer The University Daily Kansas welcomes letters to the editor. Letters should be typewritten, double-spaced and should not exceed 300 words. They should include the writer's name, address and phone number. If the writer is affiliated with the University, the letter should include his class and home town or faculty or staff position. The Kansan also invites individuals to submit paper columns. Columns and letters can be mailed or brought to the Kansan office. 111 Stauffer-Flint Hall. The Kansan reserves the right to edit or reject letters and columns. LETTERS POLICY White House credibility suffers WASHINGTON — White House credibility has suffered a damaging blow with the invasion of Grenada, and it may take time to recover. There are indications that at least some aides think that the way information concerning the invasion and U.S. motives was blacked out, then doled out, much of it misinformation, was a "colossal blunder" that may come back to haunt them. There are many aspects to the events of the last week that called into question the administration's desire for full accountability. The civilian powers completely deferred to the military on making decisions on how and when information should be transmitted to the public. He is telling reporters that he has been assured that in the future he will be brought in on the takeoffs as well as the landings Speakes says he wants to have all available information so that he can answer questions or not answer them with some responsibility as the president's chief spokesman. Deputy press secretary Larry Speakes, in particular, has had his reputation on the line. He was arrested three times after an hour after it was under way. It was a big secret for Americans mostly since there are strong indications that the Cubans, the Soviets and the Grenadians were aware of the preparations and the 20-ship armada in the Caribbean some 24 hours before the invasion. In the past, White House aides have often said they did not care to have information on delicate matters, to preserve their ability to deny, but they may be thinking twice now. In other words, the White House turned over to the Pentagon its control of information outlets on the important matter of keeping the public informed HELEN THOMAS United Press International "We learned our lesson from the British in the Falklands," boasted one Pentagon official. The British managed and censored the news of their three-week invasion of Argentina in June 1982. Remarks by generals and admirals have made it clear that they do not want their wars fought on television as the Vietnam conflict often was and is being rooms of American homes. For two days, the public was denied an independent, nongovernment view of the war because reporters were barred from Grenada. The protests of news organizatiors helped force the issue and did resolve in correspondents finally being permitted to cover the war as independent observers. It was a Canadian correspondent who reported that the United States had hit a mental hospital, killing some of the patients and orders. At night the Pentagon announced the day of the invasion, the Pentagon did not report it. Later, spokesmen said the dead were buried quickly and the other patients and workers fled the scene, making it impossible to get a complete casualty toll. The Pentagon has been slow to announce any casualties it has inflicted on the natives and means who resisted the invasion. Les Janka, deputy press secretary for foreign affairs, who was mired like several others by an official of the National Security Council, found himself defended by a group of his eve of the invasion. He quit a few days later on grounds that his personal integrity was at stake. Speakes said that he had been unfairly singled out since spokesmen at the State Department and Pentagon also were involved in passing along false information. When he complained about it, one reporter quipped, "But the people have a lingering fondness of the president is running the show." Speakes told reporters that had he been given the truth, "I would not have revealed it, but I would not be led, nor would I have misled." In the swirling controversy, a long standing question has propped up again. Does the government have the right to lie, particularly in times of crisis? Journalists would vote "no" and most government spokesmen who want to preserve their own credibility in their jobs would have to agree. 8426. 000 China moving toward capitalism MORRISTOWN, N.J. — In my first visit to China, in September, to look at the economy, two things astonished me. I found an economic boom unfolding and never once during nine days in Peking and Shanghai did I feel I was walking in a Communist country. China is running, not walking, down capitalist road. Yes, there have been steady reports of Deng Xiaoping's liberal economic reforms bringing economic improvements. But nothing had prepared me for the dynamism of the economy and vitality of the people. Nor was I prepared for the total absence of interest in the Communist idea among the people and in the government. JUDE WANNISKI Author Unlike the Soviet Union, plastered The Shanghai People's Acrobatic Troupe has changed its name to the Shanghai Acrobatic Troupe. When I suggested to a government tour guide that perhaps the state will also change its name, to the "Republic of China," he insists this could happen "only for purposes of shortening." with Marxist slogans and portraits of Lenin, China displays only no sloganing and only one outdoor portrait of Chairman Mao that I could see — a relatively small picture facing the chairman Mao Memorial Hall on Tian An Men Square. It is half the size of a Sony billboard down the street. The Communist Party is expelling all egalitarian opponents of the government's capitalist reforms — are being purged from the party. The China Daily, a governmentpublished English-language newspaper with an upbeat, free-enterprise flavor and Wall Street market news, reports that 70,000 private enterprises were registered in Shanghai alone last year — an individual is now permitted to hire up to 11 employees. The boom is evident in the cities and the countryside. It's seen in the markets, with good produce plentiful, and in shops, bulging with consumer goods and apparel that put Moscow's finest department stores to shame. It's seen in the housing and building construction all about. Mostly it's seen in the people, freed from the ideological penitentiary that the Soviet people still occupy, free to exploit their own energies and abilities in exchange for commensurate rewards. The "responsibility system," involving "rights, duties, and benefits," has effectively ended communal enterprises in favor of cooperatives. The co-ops are still called communes, but decision makers shifted to the family. Families can join with other families and take responsibility for meeting the state's quota, or tax, on a parcel of land. The group gets to keep the proceeds of any surplus and also has a degree of discretion on crops and livestock to be raised. An elected communal board decides on the portion of surplus that should be invested. And workers supplement their income on private plots. The responsibility system also seems to be working well in light industry and in retailing, where it is possible for smaller groups to supervise the link between individual effort and reward. Clarkers seem extraordinarily motivated they can earn up to four or five times the monthly wage in bonuses keyed to the profits of the state-owned shop. The system hasn't worked as well in heavy industry, and since 1978, when Deng began the incentives, several approaches have been tried and abandoned in the steel mills, chemical and auto plants. All of this suggests that Deng Xiaoping's goal of a $1 trillion gross national product by the year 2000, from the current $400 billion, is realistic. The goal almost seems too modest, given the likelihood that China will increase the billion (Chinese by 2000; even if the extremely low birthrate holds up Unfortunately, liberal economic reforms have not been matched by liberal political reforms. Deng is a capable political leader, but he's still a dictator. Students with whom I talked at universities in Peking and Shanghai had every reason to believe that democratic reforms, Deng would surely be succeeded by a less capable dictator. Unless there are political channels that permit the masses of people to determine policy through their leaders, economic reforms can go only so far before new stagnation sets in. The Maist reactionaries are waiting to say we told you so, to reassert their views through a power shift known as "the purge is on." Only a while the purge is on. Only a while on democracy can carry China to the economic goals Deng envisions. Copyright 1983 the New York Times. Jude Winnick has published on supply-side economics. The Way the World is Shaped into Chinese at Peking University. WASHINGTON — For nearly 3 hours, Thursday, Jesse Jackson kept more than 2,500 supporters enthralled as the black civil rights leader announced he was running for president. "Run, Jesse, run," echoed and re-eached through the Washington ton Convention Center in what was the final reveal meeting as a political rally. Jackson bid could help Democrats It was the same response Jackson sparked across the nation this summer as he used his voter registration drive as a means of exploring whether he would run for president. The enthusiasm of the largely black audience surpassed any that Walter Mondale, John Glenn or any of the other Democratic candidates has been able to stir up in this campaign. Jackson pledged he would take his message not just to the black ghettos of the North or to poor blacks in the United Press International There are suggestions he will take a vote that would otherwise go to front-runner Walter Mondale. CLAY RICHARDS rural South, but to Indian reservations, barrios in the Southwest, senior citizens homes and every other town where were poor and forgotten Americans. It is too early to tell how successful Jackson will be in winning votes and delegates. The polls now show him at 5 percent or 6 percent and most of that comes from the black community. But, make no mistake, Jackson is a serious candidate. He is in this race to prove that a black running team can be the most natural thing in the world. Jackson's campaign will have a big effect on the Democratic Party and the other candidates as well. But there is another school of thought that Jackson won't take many votes from anyone, because his support will come from those who never took part in the political process. The numbers Jackson uses for the voters he would like to add to the rolls in two dozen key states in each case add up to more votes than Ronald Reagan's margin of victory in those states. Those eligible voters — if they are signed up and do vote — represent numbers bigger than the margin of a dozen Republican senators. So even if he doesn't win any primaries or end up with many delegates, Jesse Jackson's can act as a voice of the American political scene He could well tip the political balance in this nation and the results would be a Democratic Senate and a Republican House, although white — in the White House. But that would leave the Democratic Party with an big debt to Jesse Jackson.