OPINION
The University Daily KANSAN
August 23.1983 Page 4
The University Daily KANSAN
Published since 1889 by students of the University of Kansas
The University Daily Kansas (USP5 60/640) is published at the University of Kansas, 118 Stauffer-Finn Hall, Lawen, Kansas. 60/640 daily during the regular school year and Monday and Thursday during the summer school. Subscriptions are $15 each or $3 per month. Subscribes by mail are $15 for six months or $2 a year in Douglas County and $18 for six months or $3 for a year outside the county. Student subscriptions are $3 a semester while the student activity payster *POSTMASTER*. Send the subscription to: USP5 60/640.
MARK ZIEMAN
Editor
Editor
DOUG CUNNINGHAM STEVE CUSICK
Managing Editor Editorial Editor
MICHAEL ROBINSON
Campus Editor
PAUL JESS
General Manager and News Adviser
ANN HORNBERGER Business Manager
DAVE WANAMAKER MARK MEARS
Retail Sales Manager National Sales
Manager
LYNNE STARK
Campus Sales Manager
JOHN OBERZAN
Advertising Adviser
Budig's top 10
He set that goal when he became chancellor, but the University doesn't appear to be any better off now than it was then.
Chancellor Gene A. Budig pledged two years ago to make the University of Kansas one of the top 10 state universities in the United States.
In his third convocation address yesterday in Hoch Auditorium, Budig didn't bother to repeat his goal. He made many references about the rose-colored future of the University, but the top-10 comment was conspicuously absent.
After last year, it's no wonder. Faculty morale hit a low, as departments sliced their budgets to come in line with state budget cuts. Building hours were cut, students and faculty sweltered during the fall when air-conditioning was shut off early to reduce utility costs. Students were asked to pay for class supplies that used to be free.
And things don't look much better now. The budget remains tight, and the Kansas Legislature still is stingy. So the chancellor better start
looking for new ways to reach his goal — if he still believes such a dream is possible in an era of austerity for higher education.
Although he may not be able to do it by himself, he can play a big part in reaching the goals he promised two years ago.
Budig didn't mention the top 10 yesterday but he did stress KU's role in the growth of high technology.
He also talked of making KU better known to the residents of Kansas and of the need of strong support from state officials.
"I believe we have reason to be optimistic about the future of the University of Kansas," he said. "There are problems, of course. It would be foolish to pretend otherwise. I believe we are making progress in meeting those challenges."
Budig has traveled about the state quite a bit since he took office, and he now knows what he faces. This may be the year to see whether that top-10 goal was just talk.
No longer too young
Many KU students were not even born 20 years ago when thousands jammed the Mall in Washington, D.C., on a hot August day.
Many of us who were alive were too young to know what all the fuss was about, too young to understand why thousands of people had to march on the nation's capitol because that was the only way they could make themselves heard.
Because we were so young then, we can watch films of Martin Luther King Jr. and the March on Washington, and we can say how great it was that in this country, that kind of thing was possible. We see how terrible the prejudice and abuse was that led to that march, and we claim that we are different, that we would never treat people that way.
We point to the progress that has
been made, the Civil Rights Act, the
Voting Right Act and extensions.
Of course, we say, there are still those who suffer because of the color of their skin, those who go to bed hungry at night, those who have no jobs, no homes, no hope. But those are temporary situations, we say.
Meanwhile, 20 years after the March on Washington, Congress refused to honor the man who led that march by refusing to set aside a single day during the year to recognize him.
Times have changed since 1963, but in too many ways, for too many people, they remain the same.
For many of us, the most important change has been that we no longer have an excuse. We are no longer too young.
And 20 years is a long, long time
Let sleeping ships lie
In March 1862, an ungainly, ironclad warship officially named the USS Monitor — and jokingly called the "Yankee cheese-box on a raft" — putted up to the Confederate warship Merrimac, spun its turret around and opened fire.
Not much happened after that. The Merrimac, so slow and fat that it took 30 minutes just to turn around, succeeded after three hours in placing a shot inside the Monitor's sight-hole, blinding the ship's commanding officer. Figuring that war is hell, the good crew of the Monitor decided to leave.
Such was the first battle between armored warships. Shortly afterward, both ships sank — the Merrimac at the command of her captain, who couldn't get her up the James River, and the Monitor at the
But why? Surely if universities and associations want to put up money for such expeditions, that's their business. But let's look at it from the Monitor's viewpoint. If you were an ugly, misshapen cheesebox on a raft with little military success, where would you want to end up? On the ocean floor, honored as the nation's first marine sanctuary, or hanging exposed in some dusty museum, looking forward to the day when you're turned into a restaurant?
So much for history. Now it seems that a band of researchers tooling about in a 22-foot submarine have high hopes of raising the Monitor.
command of Mother Nature, who blasted her with a gale.
Unique anchor or no, let's let sleeping ships lie.
The University Daily Kanzen welcomes letters to the editor. Letters should be typewritten, double-spaced and should not exceed 300 words. They should include the writer's name, address and phone number. If the writer is affiliated with the University, the letter should include his class and home town or faculty or staff position. The Kanzen also invites individuals to submit guest columns and letters can be mailed or brought to the Kanzen office, 111 Stauffar-Flint Hall. The Kanzen reserves the right to edit or reject letters and columns.
Glenn may be just another star
On Aug. 14, Kansas Gov. John Carlin announced his endorsement of Ohio Sen. John Glenn for the Democratic presidential nomination and, in turn, was made chairman of Glenn's campaign in Kansas.
Although Carlin was the first governor, other than Richard Celescu of Glen's home state, to throw his support behind the former astronaut, his announcement should not have come as a surprise.
Carlin appeared to be leaning toward Glen earlier in the summer at the National Governors' Association conference in Portland, Maine.
THE DETRIT FREE PRESS
CENTER BY THE TIBUING AMAZON
"There's no question Glenn would be the strongest candidate in Kansas." Carlin had said.
While he was at the conference, Carlin invited Glenn to a $100-a-person Democratic fundraising event that later served as the setting for Carlin's endorsement announcement.
in their Support or wizard,
only Carlin knows for sure, but a
boss can tell him of his choice
might determine whether Glenn
best represents, as Carlin claims,
the conservative views of Kansas
Democrats.
Now speculation abounds about the intent behind Carlin's early endorsement, though at least five
governors have already gone public in their support of Walter Mondale.
Gleem is pro-choice and favors the Equal Rights Amendment, affirmative action and Medicaid funding for abortion, but he seldom leads leadership on these issues. He also supports gun control, opposes
Staff Columnist
DIANE
LUBER
Staff Columnist
prayer in public schools and has voted against cuts in food stamps.
But his rating from the liberal Americans for Democratic Action is lower than that of any other Democratic presidential candidate except Ernest Hollings (Reubin Askew, not having been in Congress, has no ADA rating) A computer analysis of his 1981-82 voting record indicates he was the most devoted Reagan's administration more often than all but 16 other Democratic senators, most of them from the South.
He voted to weaken auto emission standards under the Clean Air Act and to override a Federal Trade Commission rule that required used-car dealers to inform customers of any known defects in cars being sold. He favors the deregulation of oil and natural gas prices.
He voted against a moratorium on nuclear plant construction and once told students in Iowa that nuclear power was the safest, though currently not the most economical, source of energy yet devised.
Glenn claims that his 23 years in the Marines has prepared him well for the making of defense decisions.
"I know what the horrible side of
LETTERS POLICY
war is," Glenn has said. "I've written some of the next-of-kill letters. You're never going to have to negotiate harder for peace than I am."
Unfortunately, Glenn must not be familiar with the victims of nerve gas. He voted to resume production of that deadly weapon, an inhumane torture that has been out of production for about a decade.
He voted to reinstate draft registration and favors increases in defense spending of up to 7 percent a year.
Although he is攻 against the MX missile, he is in favor of some sort of mobile missile system, and he has the capability to B-1 bomber and the neutron bomb.
Gleen led the fight for the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Act and considers its passage one of his greatest accomplishments. Although he now favors ratification of SALT II, he earlier blocked its passage in the Senate, claiming Russian compliance with the agreement could not be avoided. He also supported for the arms agreement has dwindled since the Senate vote.
Glenn says that Reagan has overstated the danger in Central
America and objects to what he calls the president's "super tough, super macho" talk. He opposes the use of a blockade and says that military intervention should be used only as a last resort.
Glen has gained a reputation as the business candidate. A former vice president of Royal Crown Cola and an investor in Holiday Inn, Glenn is the wealthiest Democratic contender, with assets at at least $3.1 million and yearly earnings of more than $500,000.
Although Gleem would defer the third year of Reagan's tax cuts, he favors greater tax breaks for business. He voted to preserve the "safe harbor" tax leasing program, under which companies that pay no taxes can sell unneeded tax credits to other companies.
He voted for the fiscal 1982 budget, which included $35 billion in domestic spending cuts, and the 1901 tax bill, which eliminated almost $750 billion in tax revenues over five years, because "there was a chance the president's program might work."
Now he calls Reagan's program "voodoo economics" and warns that tax increases may be necessary to keep the cut the $200 billion federal deficit.
If Carlin's intent was to pick a winner, he had a 50-50 chance. Public opinion polls show that Glenn is keeping up with Mondale despite less-than-secure ties with Demo-
trians and using his campaign organization and less than half the campaign money accumulated by Mondale.
Reagan aides see Glenn as the most threatening of all the Democratic candidates, perhaps because he might be a match for Reagan's own.
But to elect Glenn president after Reagan may be no more satisfying than to change the TV channel from "Fox News" to an episode of "Lost in Space."
The story of war-torn Greece
Travel book tells of rocky country
High above Athens' smoky, bustling business district, in a hilly neighborhood jammed with small white-washed houses and shops with brightly painted doors, lives and one of the living legends of Greece.
To historians of modern Greece, Kevin Andrews is a 20th century Homeric legend, a contemporary Odysseus whose journey through civil war-torn Greece in 1947 resulted in one of the more enlightening and enjoyable books on modern Greece.
No ordinary travel tale, "The Flight of Icarus" was written from Andrew's voluminous notes and from a journal he kept during travels over rocky and tortuous Greek mountains to study the numerous Byzantine and Venetian castles that dot the landscape.
This journey, much of it on foot, took place amid the whistling of bullets and the mourning of thousands of Greek families who lost family members in the bitter war for control of the government. Greece was shattered by the civil war — economically, physically, emotionally and politically — and its effects remain to this day.
But in 1959 when Andrews sat down to write of his remarkable journey, he did not fill his book with the dimensions and measurements of the castles he studied. Rather, his is a tale of a young man's journey through, and subsequent love affair with, a country and people who cane to mean more to him than his own country.
A U.S. citizen by birth, Andrews became Greek through love. And this love and deep affection for the Greece that tourists rarely glimpse has made those who write about the country that seems to inspire the heroic.
Andrews filled his book with the craggy, wind-carved faces of the shepherds he spent the winter with
KATE
DUFFY
Staff Columnist
on the Corinthian isthmus, conversations with old men in village tavernas and the anger — and sadness — of the Greek people who lived through years of fighting only to discover that their country had become a pawn in post-World War II battles between power wars.
"Icaurus" begins with Andrews's trip by ferry to one of the Greek islands to visit the family of a friend. Laying the framework for the rest of the book in this first chapter, Andrews describes the islanders' lives and livelihoods in tremendous detail.
Chapter 1 is a miniature portrait of Greece. The colors of the islands are very different; the islanders are etched so carefully and lovingly that the reader is pulled
“Passing under whitewashed arcades, blue in the shadow of six o’clock in the morning, we entered a wine shop where a thin sweet, pungent smoke mingled with the smell of the sea. ‘Anything to eat?’ Pharangiko called. A man swinging his heels among the empty tables dropped his eyelids and both corners of his mouth, wiping them off. He tipped his head back. This was the answer ‘No’ – a gesture so absolute in its denial as to allow no subsequent appeal except the mute appeal of patience.
further into the story. This delightful passage from Chapter 1 is a good example of Andrews' lyrical writing style in which, in one paragraph, he may describe the colors of a dawn-sky.
"A boy ran in with a handful of red mullets wriggling between his fingers. He poured on them a yellow jet of oil and set them to fry over some embs in a grate, then brought the crusty pink fish and cylindrical copper cup of bitter wine: 'Good appetite,' he murmured."
People who study the Cold War and U.S. foreign aid programs could learn much from this book, which has a title deceptively like that of a travel book, but is actually the tale of a courageous rescue in the face of tremendous odds.
Andres documents a tragic war and his own feelings for his adopted homeland. His documentary beautifully portrays a time that was dominated to color relations between Greece and the United States to this day.
Politics of hunger
WASHINGTON — With the exception of "waste, fraud and abuse" and its own red tape, it is hard to think of a subject that has been studied more often by the government than hunger.
So when President Reagan announced recently that he had appointed a new commission to study hunger in the United States, it was clear that anyone who has been watching Washington for any length of time
Starting with John Kennedy,
almost every president has ordered
studies of hunger, poverty, welfare
dependency or some other problem
that amounts to the same thing
under another name.
United Press International
The different labels affixed to
these studies is similar to another Washington practice: trying to mute criticism of foreign aid by changing the name of the program.
ARNOLD SAWISLAK
In any case, all of these committees, committees and task forces eventually reached conclusions, the White House usually announced that a major airport had been addressed, and in a few cases even declared it was on the way to solution.
If all goes as expected, the new group eventually will report to the president, and the same old procedure will ensue.
With a couple of telephone calls to the Agriculture and the Health and Human Services departments, the president should be able to get a pretty good picture of the situation, along with a list of possible solutions.
Secondly, they usually try to pick commission members who will arrive at what political scientists call "political truth" — conclusions that coincide with the president's views on the subject.
But information isn't always what presidents want from study commissions.
First, presidents want to demonstrate concern with a problem that affects voters — in this case, the antibiotic well-faced as well as the hungry.
The report, by the way, need not say the administration is doing a good job or the best one that can be done on the problem. It can call for a radical new departure, if that is what the president has decided is
Finally, a study commission insulates the president from the initial reaction to its recommendations and its proposals outrage the public.
If the report is what the president wants and isn't being pelled with rotten eggs, there is plenty of time and opportunity for the White House to make the whole project appear to be one man's brilliant idea.
Guess who?