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University Daily Kansan Friday, March 12, 1953
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Virtues of Prohibition ContradictedbyHistory
The "drys" are at it again! Dissatisfied with the moral tone of the nation—and unable to solve the real problems involved—they are searching for a "cure-all" and seem to feel that they have found it in prohibition.
With all the trappings of hypocrisy and wishful thinking, the dry forces are trooping the country, filling the magazines and newspapers, and pounding the podiums on the good that would come to the young and old of this country if only "demon liquor" were banned. Take that temptation out of the way of our youth, they say simply pass a law.
There is no doubt that juvenile delinquency is a great problem in this country—and growing. There is no doubt that there are many "weak" to be helped. There is no doubt that less drinking would be better for all involved.
There IS a doubt—a great doubt—that prohibition would do anything towards correcting the nation's problems.
Those advocating prohibition—the many organizations and institutions involved—seem to have short memories, either by nature or because generalizations are easier.
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS by Dick Bibler
The United States has been advocating prohibition in one form or another since the day it was founded. The experimentation has taken many forms—taxation, temperance, local option laws, high license fees, strict opening and closing laws, and advertising laws to name just a few.
Then, there was the last and the greatest of all bids—nationwide prohibition during the "twenties." Probably nowhere in history will one find a greater farce.
Prohibition came into force in the United States when the 18th amendment to the Constitution went into effect on Jan. 16, 1920; but in reality, the nation had been dry for several years preceding since World War I when the "dry" forces had lobbied the government into believing that the armed forces and the world would suffer hunger unless all grain was directed into food. Congress passed laws outlawing the use of grains for beverages, and the nation had its first taste of dryness.
From its beginning in 1920 until its death in 1933, prohibition was a farce. Civic organizations were for it, churches were for it, temperance units all over the nation were for it. The only group that appeared to be against it was the public in general. It just would not take prohibition seriously—it would not be convinced that drinking was a crime.
The law enforcement officials were of low calibre, blundering public officials used the law as a political football, there was an open disregard of the law by the wealthy, and local officials grew rich from bribes handed out by the local mobs. Seldom were the revenue agents able to catch the mob leaders. In most cases, enforcement efforts seemed to be confined to the petty crimes. Innocent taverns were padlocked and physicians and druggists were prosecuted for minor offenses. Meanwhile, the public was being poisoned by bad and unregulated liquor.
The public resented the law and flaunted it. There was a definite carry-over in feeling toward other laws. Without the general resentment toward the prohibition law, it would have been impossible for the underworld to run wild over entire cities. Most of the vice and corruption would never have existed, and the names of Capone, Dillinger, and others would have been little known to the general public.
The whole affair became a lark. Speakeasies, roadhouses, night-clubs, blind pigs, and beer flats flourished. The pocket flask became a "must," and few middle-class homes were without a bottle.
Prohibition helped to set the scene and furnished the motives for mob rule; the innocent and the guilty alike suffered.
Most historians agree that the "good, prosperous days" of the twenties is the only thing that kept the prohibition law on the books as long as it did—many persons seemed to feel that prosperity and prohibition were tied together. The "Anti-Saloon" forces played up the feeling—but the depression pulled the campaign to an abrupt halt, and the law was soon repealed.
There is no reason to believe that prohibition today would be any better than it was during the twenties. Essentially, our nation is the same and the people are the same. The facts are evident. The prohibition evil is sneaking in through the back door, and the nation is asking for criminals. The government is constantly raising taxes on liquor, and, the bootlegger is going back into business.
Is there an answer? . . . Perhaps in the home, but certainly not in the law books! —Clay Brandon.
According to some authorities, one of the things that makes a great university great is its long-standing traditions.
In Memoriam
One of KU's long-standing traditions, the Society of the Inner Circle of Pachacamac (sob, sniff, hic cough), went the way of all good (a controversial definition) things in a smoke-filled room on the evening of Feb. 25.
At that time a group of the "inner members" of the Inner Circle decided that, for the good of continued power in politics, it would be necessary to have a reorganization and drop the time-honored name of Pach.
The end of Pach is, in some ways, reminiscent of the founding of the organization, which was born in a barn behind the Beta Theta Pi house. (The Betas weren't invited)
Pach was founded in October of 1912 for the purpose of supporting William Howard Taft for the Presidency of the U. S. Taft lost, but Pach turned to campus politics the next year and proved to be, over the years, an extremely successful organization.
From their barred and locked barn the then secret organization began to function, and in the ensuing 41 years failed only five times to hold the upper hand in campus elections.
The only ones for a long time who knew who was in Pachacamac were the members themselves and Chancellor Strong. He took it upon himself to find out what this new organization was up to, approved, and agreed to allow the members to remain secret.
The barn in which the organization was founded has long since gone the way of all material things (sounds melodramatic, doesn't it?) but the organization carried on as a Greek-sponsored party.
In 1913 Pach had its picture in the Jayhawker, but all of the members wore masks and had their names printed in code.
Over the years the organization has often, some say justly, been accused of using "dirty politics" such as poll-blocking, ghost voting, and booth-stepping to maintain its power.
Pach was not, however, started as a fraternity group, but was a mixture of Greeks and independ- dents.
Perhaps some of these accusations are valid, but from this writer's observations neither have the strivings of the opposition parties always been of the mostly-white variety.
We distinctly remember watching, during one election, a member of Pacachamac's opposition party drop lighted matches in a ballot box which he claimed had been stuffed. All's fair in love and war, and politics has never been closely tied to the former.
The question on many minds around the campus at this time is: "Is Pachacamac reilly dead?"
That is a question that would be hard to answer. For all practical purposes, and to the best of this writer's knowledge, it is dead.
Who knows? Perhaps in a smoke-filled room somewhere on the campus the Society of the Inner Circle of Pachacamac, or a nucleus of the same, still exists. With all these new parties on the Hill who knows what group or groups is really the controlling power?
All we know is we haven't seen any real alligator tears shed by Pach men over the death of their party.
—Don Tice
Publick Occurrences BOTH FORREIGN AND DOMESTICK
Friday, March 12, 1954
Still sticking by its guns that membership is open to all, the new AG-I now is considering whether or not it considers several applicants worthy of membership in the new party. Prediction: AG-Γ's biggest fight will be over its nominee for senior class president.
CAMPUS
And expect double-dealing to continue on the campus politic scene. Rumored is the reorganization of Pachacamac, with or without the maverick AG-I groups.
Will Larkin, new Jayhawker editor, says the current yearbook will be the first in three years to stay out of the red ink, and that it will all be done on subscription sales. Two thousand books already have been sold, says Larkin, and only two or three hundred more remain to be sold before the profit and loss statement reaches the break-even point.
Expect more and more ideas and plans for the University celebration of the Kansas Territorial centennial, March 24-26. Enthusiasm for the project is growing by leaps and bounds.
NATIONAL
Look for Secretary of the Army Robert Stevens to resign after the present furor blows over. He probably will take an ambassadorship.
"Something terrible" will happen to Sen. Joseph McCarthy (R.-Wis.), but it won't be anything more serious than the "political assassination" recommended by ex-President Harry S. Truman.
And don't expect an Ike-McCarthy showdown until after the fall elections. Republicans feel McCarthy is a potent weapon against the Democrats.
An unprecedented building boom has pushed construction figures for January and February to new highs. If the boom spreads through the rest of the economy, Republicans will have an important talking point for the 1954 congressional elections.
Don't be surprised if former Vice President Alben Barkley files for senator in the Kentucky primaries.
SPORTS
Expect this year's golf team to be the finest in some time. Three members shoot in the 70s. Needed-A fourth.