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Tuesday, Dec. 2, 1952
Battle Looms For GOP Floor Leader
Republican leaders of the incoming 83rd Senate are currently dividing up the chairmanships of the various important Senate committees, and finding it no easy task in some respects.
In most cases the changeover from a Democratic to Republican leadership is an automatic procedure. Majority party Senators with most seniority on a committee automatically will become chairmen. At the same time the Republicans automatically will receive potential control of the committees because they will furnish a majority of the members of each.
This is one of the most powerful results of the election. The slim Republican control in the Senate (1 vote), and House of Representatives (3 votes) will put the party in a position to forward its policies in all areas.
The job will go again to Sen. Styles Bridges of New Hampshire if he wants it. But Sen. Bridges has said that only the threat of a "rough and tumble fight" for the job among fellow Republicans would induce him to try for it again, in order to avert a party fight.
However, there already are evidences of a bitter battle for the position of Republican floor leader, who is chosen by a conference of all Republican senators.
Others mentioned prominently for the position are Sen. William F. Knowland of California, Sen. Robert A. Taft of Ohio, Sen. Everett Dirksen of Illinois and Sen. Leverett Saltonstall of Massachusetts.
Sen. Bridges would prefer to be chairman of the Senate appropriations committee, on which he is the senior Republican. He feels he cannot carry out the burden of that job as well as floor leader.
Sen. Taft now is chairman of the Republican policy committee, and is in line for chairmanship of the Senate labor committee. He has said that if Sen. Bridges steps aside the race for floor leader will be wide open.
Sen. Knowland has left no doubts as to his desire for the position. Sen. Dirksen is playing a waiting game, saying he will wait until he can confer with Republican leaders before expressing his desire.
Sen. Saltonstall, now the 'party whip, is the least likely aspirant for the position. He says he prefers to be chairman of the armed services
committee, on which he ranks second only to Sen. Bridges.
Two controversial Republicans, Sens. Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin and William E. Jenner of Indiana, are slated to assume committee chairmanships.
Sen. Homer Capehart of Indiana, an outspoken foe of economic controls, is in line for control of the banking committee. Sen. Alexander Wiley of Wisconsin can take over the Senate foreign relations committee if he chooses. He also is ranking Republican on the judiciary committee.
The important tax-writing finance committee should go to Sen. Eugene Millikin of Colorado; the public works committee to Sen. Edward Martin of Pennsylvania, and the interior and insular affairs committee to Sen. Hugh Butler of Nebraska.
To Sen. McCarthy probably will go control of the committee on government operations, the Senate's most important investigating group. This committee has authority to investigate anyone and any agency in the executive branch of the government.
Sen. William Langer of North Dakota should assume control of the post office and civil service committee; Sen. Charles W. Tobey of New Hampshire, of the interstate and foreign commerce committee; Sen. Francis Case of South Dakota, of the District of Columbia committee, and Sen. George D. Aiken of Vermont, of the agriculture and forestry committee.
Sen. Jenner succeeds to the chairmanship of the rules committee, a post Sen. Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., of Massachusetts would have held had he not been defeated.
Little Action Foreseen For New GOP Veep
Bob Stewart
Barring the unforeseen, Richard Nixon's role as president of the Senate will be uneventful. This office is largely a figurehead well laid out by parliamentary procedure.
The real power of the Senate lies in the various committees which consider, formulate, and present the bills. Nixon's influence will be felt in the passageways and corridors of the Senate, a suggestion here, a proposal there. But he will not be able to dominate a Senate which has a majority of only two Republicans.
Certainly this man who voted for voluntary civil rights has no chance of getting a civil rights bill through the Senate. Nor is it likely that the Universal Military Training bill which he voted for will pass.
The possibility that Nixon may be called to vote in the case of a tie is more theoretical than realistic. There are too many cases where senators cross party lines.
There is little more he can do on the farm program, for the Republicans plan to maintain it just as they do the Taft-Hartley law. He and his party are against federal aid to education, so there is no chance to be influential in this area.
Possibly in the field of foreign policy Nixon can take a lead. He supported the ECA, the Greek-Turkish loan, the Marshall plan and troops to Europe. Yet internationally minded Eisenhower probably has more drive in that direction than the Californian.
Nixon's future appears to be one of opening and presiding over the Senate, keeping the chicanery to a minimum, guiding the sessions along prescribed parliamentary laws and serving at social functions Ike is unable to attend. —Jerry Renner.
The Magic Carpet trailer was somewhat of a disappointment to our favorite coed who was lured into it expecting to see German war relics or ancient Egyptian mummies.
Short Ones
Stevenson's recent statement that he intends to return to law practice to "start making a living" makes us wonder what he expected to do if elected President.
Rv DEAN EVANS
One of the gravest international problems of our times is the war in Korea. It will continue to be an international stumbling block until we steel ourselves to the fact that it will cost us to get out of Korea.
Since the start of the truce talks, we have eagerly awaited settlement. It is now obvious to everyone that the Communists intended the talks only to gain time.
By allowing them to stall, we have lost the military initiative that we held a year ago, and any future military action cannot start with any assurance of success until we increase our forces in the field.
We deluded ourselves into believing that we could reason with the followers of a political philosophy that, from its initial climb to power, has been committed to the destruction of our economy, our religion, the very fundamentals of our way of life.
There will be no solution to Korea, or Indo-China, or any other place the Communists threaten us, until we deliver to them such military punishment or economic pressure that it is to their advantage to desist.
Let us not kid ourselves into believing that we can achieve a working compromise with a power intent on our destruction. Neither can we delude ourselves into trusting a power that sees no moral wrong in breaking faith with its enemies.
The only feasible solution to Korea is a military action, aimed at the elimination of the enemy's field forces, and forcing him to abandon the ideologies that led him to war.
There are many persons who cry out against the cost of such a campaign. Yet the patrol actions which have taken place during the current stalemate have cost the U.S. alone 45,000 casualties.
And those casualties were wasted, because the wounding of those men gained the free world nothing.
How long can we stand the strain on our economy of supporting the Korean war?
How long can we pour our young men and our resources into a "minor" action?
Must we always be committed to a policy of containment, which offers us the possibility of loss, but not the possibility of gain?
Paden City, W.Va.—Sheldon Buck,
of West Branch, Mich., who can't
stand the smell of a buck and
chokes at the sight of a doe, plans
to leave for parts unknown next
Monday when hunting season begins here. Buck is allergic to deer
or anyone he has touched one . . .
although he eats venison.
In most of this conflict, we must await the actions of the Communists, because we are governed by moral standards which deny us the possibility of lashing out at our enemy's weak spots.
But in Korea, our enemy has exposed himself to our wrath by an act of vicious aggression. We are morally bound to punish him, and defend the free world against any such acts in the future.
By UNITED PRESS
News Briefs
Toronto—Miss Barbe Fleet, 22,
who penned the tune "A Pair of
Silver Spurs and a Sombrero," and
specializes in weight-lifting, was
sentenced to four months in jail
 yesterday for trying to steal a skirt.
***
Claremont, N.H.-Dennis Miller, 5, apparently doesn't expect a very long winter.
Little Man on Campus
When he bruised his arm in a washing machine Dennis told his mother: "I was washing out my bathing suit to have it ready for next summer."
"Whadda ya mean you got examinations--did you come here for an education or ta play basketball?"
Ike's Attorney General Is Clean-up Expert
A front office job is something new for Herbert Brownell Jr., President-elect Eisenhower's new attorney general, although he has masterminded three presidential campaigns.
The 48-year-old New York lawyer has been prominent in politics for years but has chosen to be the behind-the-scenes man in several political campaigns in the last 10 years.
Now he is to be in charge of the Eisenhower clean-up operation.
Mr. Brownell was largely responsible for Gov. Thomas E. Dewey's 1948 campaign in which he planned the "coast into office" strategy with a series of speeches filled with well-rounded generalities which avoided any clenched-fist tactics which might have left post-election bruises.
Mr. Brownell's office is expected to be one of the foremost in the Ike administration because Gen. Eisenhower placed major emphasis on the anti-corruption and "let's clean out Washington" themes.
As a campaign manager, Mr. Brownell began in politics when he and Gov. Dewey started their political careers as doorbell ringers for the Republican organization in the old 10th Assembly district in the Manhattan borough of New York. Later Mr. Brownell was Gov. Dewey's manager in his successful bid for the New York governorship in 1942.
A member of the New York assembly, Mr. Brownell aided Gov. Dewey's gangbusting activities from time to time with the boosting of needed legislation to curb the rackets.
He retired from politics temporarily in 1937 to return to his New York law firm, Lord, Day & Lord, which represents—among other large organizations—the American Hotel association.
As Republican National Committee chairman from 1944 to 1946, he set up for the first time a permanent national organization with a public relations department and particular emphasis on coordination with Congress.
Through Mr. Brownell's planning it also was the first time in 20 years that a GOP headquarters was in Washington instead of in New York.
The son of a Nebraska minister,
Mr. Brownell has been described as a "slim, young-appearing political idealist with a balding dome, a long, thin face, and the eyes of a devotee."
Throughout the current campaign, Mr. Brownell remained relatively behind the scenes, but is considered one of the most powerful factors in the Eisenhower political strategy. He played an important role as an like pusher at the Chicago nominating convention last July and later
during the actual campaign was one of Eisenhower's major "think men."
Many observers think that Mr. Brownell's close association with Gov. Dewey—a New York racket buster himself—should give the incoming attorney general a good deal of insight into how to run some government-cleansing operations.
The scholarly Phi Beta Kappa reportedly looks like anything but a tough guy, but looks can be deceiving and, as Sen. Herman Welker (R-Ida.) put it after hearing of Mr. Brownell's appointment, "a lot of squalid characters around Washington are probably packing their bags already."
—Phil Newman
Letters
To the Editor of the Daily Kansan
First I should like to congratulate you on the fine job you have been doing in publicizing the facts concerning inadequate student housing. I think, however, that the headline in last Tuesday's paper gave an erroneous impression.
Adams Speaks Only for Himself
Perhaps in an autocratically run organization the word of one of its main officers can be taken as the opinion of the party, but in FACTS the party can speak only through its open meetings in which every member has equal voice. Thus the opinion was my own, not that of FACTS; the official party position must await a resolution adopted at a party meeting.
The headline read: "Pach, FACTS Assail Report On Housing." The article then quoted statements by the president of Pach and me.
Will Adams graduate student
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