Page 2 University Daily Kansan
SDX News Study Will Have Meaning
The present and future prospects for a free press were put under the lights at the recent convention of Sigma Delta Chi, professional journalistic fraternity, in Denver.
At lectures and panel discussions such men as Arthur Hays Sulzberger, publisher of the New York Times; Palmer Hoyt, editor and publisher of the Denver Post; Vermont Royster, senior associate editor of the Wall Street Journal, and James Pope, executive editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal considered the problem.
They said the press will never be safe from the threat of censors and will maintain its freedom only if the people are interested enough to keep it free. The people will want a free press as long as it is a responsible press, they added.
SDX is vitally interested in a free press and is dedicated to responsible journalism. It came as no surprise when President Charles Clayton, an editorial writer for the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, proposed a survey sponsored by the fraternity which would investigate coverage of the presidential campaign by newspapers, magazines, television and radio.
In proposing the survey, President Clayton said the fraternity was the "logical group to sponsor such a study." "I am sure the public would have confidence in the findings," he said.
The survey was suggested because of "numerous and grave charges" of a biased press. However, the survey was suggested as an inventory study, not a defense measure.
The resolution, as passed by the convention, called for the investigation of possibilities for such a study. The possibilities are to be studied by the executive council of the fraternity. Several of the country's leading foundations are reported to be interested in conducting such a survey under the fraternity's sponsorship.
"We are the only group which can speak for all phases of news communication and we number within our members the leaders of education in journalism, as well as trained researchers. If there have been failures, the facts can best be pointed out by Sigma Delta Chi," he said.
The proposed survey has already met with criticisms. First among those to pooh-pooh the idea was Roy A. Roberts, president of the Kansas City Star. He described the survey as unnecessary and meaningless. "The notion of newspapers setting up a commission to investigate newspapers is tommyrot," he said.
We see the survey as neither unnecessary nor meaningless. If the press is going to maintain the support of its readers it is very necessary that they perform their news function faithfully and honestly. If certain members of the press are neglecting this duty, it is important that the other members know and correct the fault.
The survey is given meaning by the fact that newspapermen will be doing something about a free press and not just talking.
We hope the executive council will find the "thorough and objective analysis" proposed by President Clayton possible and that the survey will be made. Roger Yarrington.
Labor's Power Should Ebb With GOP Rule
(Editor's Note: This is the fourth in a series of articles dealing with President-Eleonhower's administration's probable attitude toward business and labor.)
Most important labor issue during the last several years has been the oft-maligned Taft-Hartley law, which looks as though it's in for more blast—in the 83rd Congress. Though the GOP is expected to be somewhat friendlier to business than the Democrats have been, the unions aren't necessarily in for a big crackdown.
A decided change in union-government relations is on the way, however. The pendulum that has swung in labor's favor for 20 years is now swinging the other way.
The U.S. labor movement grew from tadpole to big frog with the help of Roosevelt and Truman. The big unions have no experience in living with either neutral or hostile government. They will have some adapting to do. But so will the Republicans.
The Eisenhower administration will have to demonstrate that legitimate and responsible unionism is not threatened by the end of Democratic rule. This the Republicans can do.
Eisenhower has indicated that he wants to push the initiative for settling disputes back on the parties themselves. He wants to keep labor disputes out of Washington.
Nor will the GOP Congress produce anything startling in the way of legislation. Sen. Taft's 1950 amendments to the Taft-Hartley act should be quickly enacted. The two most important of these "liberalizing" amendments are: (1) a provision to enable economic strikers to vote in representation elections—thus answering a principal criticism that the act may now be used to freeze out unions; and (2) a provision that Taft-Hartley boards in emergency disputes be authorized to bring in recommendations for the settling of those disputes—thus answering the criticisms that the emergency dispute section of the law is a dead end.
Study of changes in the Department of Labor also will be undertaken, along the lines of the Hoover Commission report. This department under the Democrats dwindled to something less than bureau status. It will be built up again—probably under Harold Stassen. President of the University of Pennsylvania and former governor of Minnesota, Stassen served as Ike's labor adviser during the campaign.
So all is not unmilitated gloom in the ranks of organized labor. Millions of union members and their families apparently voted for Eisenhower Nov. 4. And their leaders who fought Eisenhower hard and have no claim for favors, will adjust to the change.
The new government won't be anti-union, but it will be sympathetic with the businessman's problem. Mostly it will be an impartial administration and one eager to make good.
The people have made their decision. The results of the change they wanted soon will be seen.
—Dot Taylor.
By DON NIELSEN
Gov. Theodore McKeldin of Maryland recently predicted that President-elect Dwight D. Eisenhower will make the Korean war and truce settlements there the foremost item on his agenda. Because of this a lot of Europeans are going to shrug and say, "I told you so."
But Gen. Eisenhower's concern for Korea does not spell the end of financial or military aid to Europe. Spending in Europe will be trimmed, but it will not meet with any disastrous cuts. Eisenhower has a lot of campaign promises to keep, and the one that demands the most attention is the one which he used to get himself elected.
If he should, merely by going to Korea, end the war, or at least bring an armistice, chances are that he could be recognized as a diplomatic as well as a military genius. But he will accomplish little, if anything, by visiting the front.
What can he do? The proposed tour of the Korean battleground is hardly more than a good will tour at its best. He may help morale somewhat by demonstrating his personal concern with the problems in the Far East, but he will accomplish little more.
Could the general bring about a truce? No. Even if the North Koreans and Chinese Communists wanted a truce he could not get one by negotiating with them. They are puppets and nothing more. If there is any negotiation to be done, it should be done with representatives of Russia and not with Russia's tools. The North Koreans are merely stalling for time in Korea.
Perhaps he plans to get some pertinent military information by going to the front. This will accomplish little. Gen. Eisenhower has perfectly capable men at the front, to handle the tactical problems. In his present position as commander-in-chief, Gen. Eisenhower will be concerned with policy and not with field operations.
In other words, Gen. Eisenhower will accomplish little by his trip to Korea except to give the Communists a shot at him.
We only hope that when the general returns without having stopped the shooting, or without having driven the enemy into the Yalu river, the people of America will not lose faith in their leader.
Gen. Eisenhower should not be expected to accomplish miracles. He is a leader, a diplomat, and the backbone of this country for the next four years. Americans have made their choice, now they must stand by it.
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New Rise of Hitlerism Seen In Western Zone
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Hitlerism isn't dead, for again the wild-eyed face of Adolf Hitler is becoming a popular feature in a few German periodicals and is appearing on billboards throughout West Germany and West Berlin.
In the soccer stadium at Verden, Germany, several weeks ago, about 5,000 of Hitler's one-time storm troopers gathered for a reunion. The delegates came from all over Germany and some even from South America.
Hitler's favorite paratrooper, Gen. Bernhard "Papa" Ramcke, 63, was supposed to give a three-minute talk. Instead he launched a savage attack on the "real war criminals"—the Western Allies.
The criminals, Ramcke told the assembled cheering crowd, "are not the German front-line soldiers . . . They are those who made the Versailles Treaty . . . who shattered German cities. . . who dropped atomic bombs on Nagasaki . . . who are producing new atomic bombs."
These are symptoms of neo-Nazism. They need to be watched during this period when West Germany, including West Berlin, is more or less on trial as a nation, theoretically, won over to democracy.
Security officials believe that although the Nazis have little political backing in Western Berlin, they are a potential menace. For desperate men accustomed to the idea of killing under the Hitler regime are fanatically prepared to risk anything to achieve their ends.
Western Berlin police are faced with the problem that if the Nazis are in danger of arrest they can escape across the city's iron curtain border into the Russian sector and defy all attempts to be caught.
—Mary Cooper.
It may as well be recognized that the Hitler spirit still dwells in some Germans. This spirit could develop into a new and dangerous Nazi movement if a majority of the German people and their government do not find some means of keeping it under control.
Gloomy Future Seen For Opinion Pollsters
The future of public opinion pollsters grow gloomier with every presidential election. Twice in a row, the experts have missed in their predictions on who would win.
In 1948, they were wrong because they failed to anticipate the swing of the "undecided portion" of the voters toward the Democrats. In 1952, they were wrong because they did anticipate that swing, and it never occurred.
Until 1948, this idea worked fine. In 1952, it would have worked fine if they had used it. If the pollsters had disregarded the undecided portion, they would have predicted within 1 per cent the plurality given Gen. Eisenhower.
Pollsters base their opinions on the results of their polls, an analysis of regional voting, and the strength of major candidates in certain key areas.
Normally, pollsters disregard the undecided portion of those polled, because that portion usually splits along the same percentage lines as the majority of voters.
It is becoming apparent that they also need some method of ascertaining which way the undecided portion will split. Until they do find such a method, public opinion surveys will have trouble predicting the outcome of elections. Dean Evans.
"Hello, Coach?-Am I gonna have trouble with someone on your javelin team again this season?"