PAGE SIX
UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN, LAWRENCE, KANSAS
---
TUESDAY, JANUARY 9. 1951
Thought For The Day —
"Reason is the life of the law"—Lord Coke.
The Case Of Mr. Acheson
The extraordinary thing about the campaign against Secretary Acheson is that nearly everybody who has been attacking him has hidden behind somebody else. He seems to have lost the confidence of the people because somebody has heard somebody say that he has lost the confidence of the people... There has been something horribly unfair about the whole man-hunt, unfair to Acheson and unfair to the American people. A few weeks before the Chinese Communists struck in Korea, Acheson had with extreme boldness established a new line of offense and of defense at the United Nations. At long last, the Russian veto in the Security Council could not paralyze any measure the non-Communist nations would take to reduce the dangers of war. The long political battle of attrition had turned into a battle of movement.
The Korean disaster epitomizes the plight Acheson has been in since the day he took office. All the time he has had to cope with that Messianic universalism that makes us sponsor-principles to be applied "everywhere in the world" and pledge ourselves to resist aggression "wherever it may occur." All the time he has had to conduct a foreign policy that he knew was backed up by inadequate military strength. And all the time he has had to defend himself against an unmerciful internal opposition . . . .
Then, when the still (at best) unexplained military offensive "to end the war" was launched, the political line that Acheson had established was completely outflanked by the enemy—in Asia, in Germany, in the councils of the United Nations, in the minds and in the fears of men. . . The fruits of Acheson's political victory were squandered. The Republican leaders in Congress had been crying, "Let MacArthur have his way," but when it became clear that we had suffered a military and political defeat, they had only this to say: "Acheson must go."
Diplomacy can utilize strength, capitalize on achievement, or hide weaknesses. At times Acheson produced magnificent results. His diplomacy capitalized on the achievement of the Marshall Plan by establishing the Atlantic alliance. Even the doctrine of resistance to aggression "wherever it may occur" became nearly workable in his reform of the U.N. that could have made the General Assembly the active instrument of the non-Communist nations all united against Communist subversion. . Yet all this time the major effort of Secretary Acheson was to gain enough elbow room for the development of a global anti-Communist policy of his own—total diplomacy, as he called它.
He has been like a man engaged in high logarithmic computations who is forced constantly to take time off and explain to his critics what is the sum total of two and two. This peculiar situation has cramped the eloquence of one of the most quick-minded, articulate Americans. . . . Constantly accused of being alien to his people, of not speaking their language, he has made it a point to express himself in the plainest possible terms. Once, when a friend of his was judged guilty of a terrible crime, he found that the most appropriate way to say what he felt was to repeat the simple words of Christ. That was the high mark of his persecution. Even now, whenever the episode is recalled, many people who profess to worship God throw their Bibles at Acheson.
Acheson's superior qualifications have been put to test under entirely unprecedented circumstances—the circumstances of a nation that for the first time in its history has to play a major role in the internal affairs of many countries and for the first time has its destiny decided less by the way its people vote at home than by the success or failure of its policies abroad.
Acheson has been the first Secretary of State to realize that even the most generous measures of postwar economic assistance are of limited use, for we are engaged for keeps in a struggle of unlimited scope. This struggle may become one of arms, but cannot be, by any stretch of imagination, of arms alone. We need political skill as much as weapons to keep on our side the men in other countries who may bear weapons with us. Acheson has organized the kind of State Department that is fit to tackle these jobs.
Perhaps there has been, if not hostility, a certain apprehension in the country toward this man Acheson who has been out in front, facing the fantastic unrolling world events, and not always at ease in telling the people what he has seen or the experiences he has gone through. The people are still unprepared for this entirely new situation of threatening world chaos, as Acheson himself probably was at first . . .
By founding the Atlantic alliance, by reforming the United Nations, he established the pattern of an American foreign policy that other people's recklessness has now seriously damaged. . . (Whether or not the Secretary remains in office) his enemies will not have the satisfaction of demolishing. . . his character or achievement . . . for the man who could go through such an ordeal and grow with his job has acquired a stature quite independent of any job he may hold.-The Reporter, by Max Ascoli, Editor and Publisher.
Two Questions Need UN Answers Soon
By HARRY FERGUSON U.P. Foreign News Editor
Anybody who can peer into a crystal ball and find the answer to two questions will have a fairly accurate idea what is going to happen in the Far East in the next few months.
2. Can the U.N. army repeat its brilliant defensive action at the Pusan beachhead, or will the overwhelming weight of Chinese manpower throw us into the sea.
1. Will the United Nations brand Red China as an aggressor and vote to take collective action against her?
Some Americans argue we should get out of Korea as fast as we can. Others are urging that our troops should stay there and fight it out lest a withdrawal be interpreted as a sign of weakness. Then there is a middle course that has some support. It is that we withdraw the troops gradually from Korea, but keep on fighting the Chinese Communists with planes and ships.
First, Question No. 2. It is not violating any military security to say that the U.N. army is headed straight for the southeastern corner of Korea. The enemy knows it. The U.N. army has given up three cities without a fight—Seoul, Osan, and Suwon—and made only a rearguard defense of Wonji. Every city is a fortress and you don't hand on over to the enemy unless you are planning to go somewhere else in a place. The troops are headed for Theojin, Taegu, and the Pusan perimeter. They would like to take their time getting there and kill a lot of Chinese Communists on the way
But they may not have any choice. If the Chinese push their pursuit hard and can keep their own supplies coming up fast we face the danger of being meniphed. We will put on pressure. We will get out of Korea by military necessity. A diplomatic decision will have been made on a battle field.
But if we can hold in Korea long enough for the United Nations either to act against Red China or establish beyond doubt that no such action can be taken, we will have freedom of choice and time to think things over. The United States delegates at Lake Success would like the United Nations to move against the Chinese with the same swiftness it did against the North Koreans. That is unlikely to happen.
It will take time and delicate negotiations to get through a resolution condemning the Chinese Reds as aggressors. Many members of the U.N., including Britain, already have recognized the Communists as the legal rulers of China. The United States continues to recognize Chiang Kai-Shek's government on the island of Formosa.
So what we are actually fighting for in Korea right now is time—time to get into a good defensive position and time for the U.N. to express its will about the “police action” it undertook last June.
News Room Adv. Room
K.U. 251 K.U. 376
Student Newspaper of the
UNIVERSITY OF KANASA
Member of the Kansas Press Assn.
National Press Association,
Press Assn., and the Associated Collegiate
Press. Represented by the National Ad-
vance Service, 420 Madison Ave, New
New York City.
University Daily Hansan
Editor-in-chief
John A. Bannigan
Managing Editor Business Manager Emily C. Stewart Gerald Mosley
Asst. Managing Editors: Edward Chapin, Francis J. Kelley, Patricia Jansen, Arthur McIntire.
City Editor John Corporon
Advertising Mgr. Joseph Ward
National Adv. Mgr. Charlotte Cessay
Administrative Ad. Mgr. Virginia Coppeed
Promotion Mgr. James Murray
"Fear," by John Rathbone Oliver, is a factual report on a common case of psychasthenia and the predominant symptoms of fear, and describes at least one method of dealing with fear. It was published by the Macmillan company of New York in 1927, re-issued in 1929, 1935, and 1946.
How Would You Treat Fear Poison?
Dr. Oliver compiled the material for the book from medical and psychological reports on the case of James Edwards, and from the autobiography of Mr. Edwards, who was willing to co-operate in exposing the mechanics of fear.
Psychasthenia, a neurotic condition characterized by lack of energy and decision, obsessions, doubts and phobias, is predominant in cases of object fear. A complete description of this condition, its development, its treatment and cure, is presented by the author.
The coming of fear and its development in the case of Mr. Edwards is traced back to childhood, and the linkage between fear in the child and fear in the man is explained by the psychiatrist who treated the case. This psychiatrist is referred to as the fear hunter as he did not wish to have his name mentioned in the book.
The rest of the book is taken entirely from the autobiography of James Edwards. He, himself, describes how he became a subject of fear through rash judgment and an overactive imagination, until he was reduced to a slave, ruled by the dictates of fear.
Mr. Edwards would not let himself believe the truth that the indigestion he often suffered from was due to smoking too many black cigars; that his headaches were caused by bad teeth; and that many discomforts he suffered were merely the results of advancing age.
He let the thought of his business partner, suddenly dropping dead from cerebral hemorrhage, prey on
The cornerstone of President Truman's policy in Korea is that this is a United Nations fight and not exclusively an American one. If we can hold a beachhead and if our allies in the U.N. rally behind us we may go on fighting in Korea for some time. If we can get U.N. agreement on a limited war—air attacks and a naval blockade-American troops may be pulled out.
What Lake Success decides will determine to a large extent what Washington decides.
As a result he was now a victim of innumerable torments. He could no longer sleep, eat, or work. He waited for some unknown terror to race out and envelop him.
his mind until he became obsessed with fear that death was going to take him the same way. He refused to heed the advice of his physician because fear had rendered him incapable of rational thinking. Finally, he built up a ritual he followed daily to stave off that which he feared. He performed little tics regularly, like touching the light swish 18 times before turning the lights on or off. By this time the mechanics of fear were in full command of Mr. Edwards. He was poisoned by fear.
His son recognized what had developed and convinced him to visit a university clinic. This put Mr Edwards on the right track, and the treatment of fear was begun.
Mr. Edwards was able to recor each step on his road to recovery and the description of his treatmen is complete and accurate as well a interesting.
Little Man On Campus
The latter part of Mr. Edwards personal account is "The Casting Out of Fear." Although his notes on the first part of the treatment were checked with the doctors' reports they were not as complete as those of this final phase. Edwards, being well on the road to recovery was able to keep a complete journey of his cure.
The reader may benefit from book by gaining a better understanding of the mechanics of fear. This knowledge alone can be invaluable, especially in these times of uncertainty and war scares. People would not easily become victims of fear if they had some understanding of it and let rational thinking guide their actions instead of rash judgment.
Dick Marshall
by Bibler
"It's hard to believe that in one week finals will make this place so busy. Students will come early just to get a seat."
A
D.
]
9