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UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN, LAWRENCE, KANSAS
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WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER-21, 1936
Comment
Spain and Europe
Editor's note. This is the third of a series of editorials concerning the present situation in Spain and Europe.
The last Spanish election before the present revolt on February 16, 1933, resulted in a decisive victory for the radical United Front which received 4,000,000 votes, an overwhelming majority.
When Don Manuel Azana came into office with his cabinet of Left Republicans, supported by the Communists and Socialists, they took over a nation that was in the depths of poverty. If ever a system had demonstrated its lack of that ability supposed to be basic to it—that of feeding those who trailed for it—Spanish capitalism had.
Agriculture had yielded no profit even to the large owners since the establishment of the republic in 1931. Its relative prosperity in the days of Alfonso had been based mainly upon the miserably underpaid workers. When the republic came into being through the force of Leifist votes, one of its first acts was to institute a minimum wage law. So poverty-striken were the large estates, so inefficient and medically were they rum, that from that time on, the land-owners also lost. Azana began to see that nothing less would suffice than purchase or confiscation of the large estates and division among the tenants. He, unlike Alfonso, thought in terms of the masses and one thinking that way had to conclude that the time for handing the land over to the peasants was ripe.
The illiteracy was alarming—the province of Caceres, largest in Spain was 61.6 illiterate. While 80 per cent of Spain's 23,000,000 lived in the tatal areas, there were over 700,000 urban unemployed.
Azana's answer to the agricultural problem was to start the resettlement of yuertos, share-crops, on the large estates. On March 12 the reform started and a month later 24,702 yuertos in Caceres had received 69,621 hectares, an average of three acres per family, though the dry farming requires 30 to 35 hectares to keep a family alive. But innumerable vestiges of feudalism still remained. Agricultural technique was obsolete, the standard of productivity, low.
The heritage of the Leftist government was a sorry one. The twin curse of Spain was her idle rich and her idle poor. It was evident that the main industry of Spain needed drastic reorganization. Very obvious was the fact that the grandeurs didn't learn to make agriculture work, save by putting their workers on a starvation diet. This the Leftist government couldn't allow to continue. The alternative was to introduce the government into agriculture and purchase in the most poverty-stricken sections. This was done on a small scale.
Backward in their productive technique, lacking in the more humanitarian feelings that introduced themselves into Europe with the bourgeois revolution and the rise of liberalism, the capitalists of Spain were quite up on the latest techniques of thwarting democracy. Let the people who weep for the lovely bricks of the Alcazar, who weep for the so-called "culture" of pre-revolutionary Spain remember this: The whole structure of culture was decadent, it was erected on the backs of people, who with the Polish peasant, shared the lowest living standard in Europe. It was parasitic in the worst sense of the word, and had no claim to existence.
The Left confidently expected a reaction That is to say, the Left Socialists and Communists did. But Azana thought that the Right would have the same respect for democracy as the Left showed when it surrendered power to the Right soon after the Revolution. He was mistaken, and the Marxists were correct.
The Right started to raise a barrage of slogans about Moscow's domination of the Spanish government, about how old Spain was perishing, etc. It fooled only newspaper correspondents and the public abroad. There were no Communists in the government—there were only 40,000 Communist party members. Obviously Stalin wrote none of Azana's messages. It was the usual smoke screen raised by reactionaries to defend their property rights. These people wanted the continuation of a system that had kept them in ease for most of their lives. It was they, who, raising the cry of foreign domination of the government, were taking money and direction from agents of the Gestiapo, Nazi secret service organization in Spain, as shown by documents in recent issues of the Manchester Guardian.
While the debates went on in the Cortes, the Fascists were arming. The Popular Front government had sent the Fascist generals to colonial posts. All during this time the Lefts were urging the government to purge the army of disloyal elements. Franco, the "Butcher," was in Morocco and Goded was in the Balearies. But with the characteristic liberalism that distinguished the republicans of Spain, Azana thought the reports alarmist. But there was arming. Money came from Juan March, Spain's richest man and an embezzler, from Italy and Germany.
Primary. The scene grew stormier. It resembled the
present situation in France. Fascists fired on Socialist meetings. In retaliation Leftist Assault Guards kidnapped and killed Calvo Sotel Fascist-monarch leader.
This was the signal for the uprising of July 18. On the one side there were the generals, the prelacy, the Mohammedan colonials, the monarchists, the Fascists and the other anti-democratic elements. On the other hand the legal government elected by the Anarchist trade unions, the Syndicalists, the Republicanis, the Catalan Separatists, the Socialists, the Communists, the Basque-Nationalists and all trade-unionists. The support was as heterogeneous as had ever gone under one banner. It had long been the practice of the Anarchists and Syndicalists to abstain from politics, but they were shaken from their philosophy by the events of October, 1934, and the open signs of trouble.
The division was as elemental and as inescitable as that which ranged Europe in two camps between the posting of the 85 leses at Wittenberg and the end of the Thirty Years War. This was no squabble between empires. This is a war that founds it cause in a struggle that had gone on for years. The Right had lost the struggle in Parliament. It was clearly outvoted and it resorted to arms. It would have lested here, too, had it not been for outside aid.
Today, although the government has been modified, the issue is still the same. The communists, in pursuance of their line laid down at the Seventh Congress of the Comintern, are fighting in Spain, not for a Soviet, but for bourgeois democracy. It is a significant and indisputable fact that the Communists have been the strongest opponents of the Anarchist cry for Soviets. For this they have even been accused of betrayal. But they have steadfastly refused to becloud the very clear issue of democracy versus Fascism.
Since the Communists are ascribed with much influence in the present government, we will examine their analysis of events in Spain. It is one based on the assumption that in these times democracy has a revolutionary implication. The Marxist logic is that in a period of declining capitalism, such as Spain witnessed, democracy becomes a luxury. Democracy rose with the coming of capitalism and the decline of mercantilism. It was a means of preserving equilibrium in a system whose essence was competition. Here, through democracy, a meeting place was made where the various elements in capitalism could resolve their difficulties. The limited suffrage was extended to workers because of their strikes, Chartist agitation, etc. Possessing the suffrage, the workers as in France today, use it to better their economic position. This is quite all right in a period when profit is rising. But when it falls, a rise in wages cuts profits still further. Democracy in the hands of the workers and petit bourgeois such as constitute a Popular Front Majority, becomes an expensive luxury and capitalism finances the Fascist gangs to end it.
Therefore, say the Communists, defend demerocracy and you're fighting capitalism which can't afford it. That is the key to their defense of the bourgeois republic of Azana, that is why they regard the raising of the Soviet slogan unnecessary in Spain.
And that is why they in the person of the Soviet Republic, demanded of the Neutrality Committee that it stop shipments of arms by Fascist powers to rebels.
Official University Bulletin
Notice due at Charlesworth's Office at 1 p.m., preceding regular publication days and a 11:59 a.m. closing time.
*CANCELLED*
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE ORGANIZATION. There will be a meeting of the Christian Science Organization at 7:55 Thursday morning in Room C, Myers Hall. Students and faculty members are welcome.
INTER-RACIAL COMMISSIONS: There will be a joint meeting of the Inter-racial Commissions of Y W C.A. and Y M.C.A. at Henley House this evening at 7:30. Dorothy Hodge.
JAY JANES. There will be an important meeting this afternoon at 3:40 in 212 Administration Building. Please bring your dues. Purchase your tickets for the Manhattan game at the Altoona Field on Saturday. Beaulah Pinene, President.
Keith Davis, President.
Virg. 14 WEDNESDAY, OCT. 21, 1938 NO. 59
LE CERCLE FRANÇAISE: There will be a meeting of
Administration Building at 4:30 in Room 113
Administration Building
WORLD AFFAIRS COMMISSION: There will be a meeting of the World Affairs Commission of the Y.W.C. this afternoon at 4:30 at Hurley house, Mrs Cole will come with of Porto Rica to attend. We come, Geverland Landri, Chairman.
MID-WEEK DANCE. There will be a free mid-week dance tonight at 7-8 o'clock in the Memorial Union ballroom. Stags will be fined 10 cents. Stag limit=200. W. C.Wochera, Manager.
Rosemarie Kilker, President.
W. Y.C.A. MKMBEIFISH BANQUET. The membership is open from 8 a.m. to 1 p.m., and for other hours, visit Union Building at 6 i.p.m. All new members are guests of the association. Old members will be charged 35 cents each. Attend both groups please. Guests may stay in house by Fridn. B帕蒂贝德尔. B帕蒂贝德尔.
Thomas Sees Class Consciousness As Decisive Factor in Coming Election
By Greg Hines.
(Edited by Norman Hines traveled with Norman Thomas from Lawrence to Topeka after his campaign in Kentucky. The first-hand account of a student's impressions of the Socialist candidate for President of the United States.)
By Greg Hines, c'38
Norman, Thomas, fatigued after two speeches, leans back against the soft upholstery of the moving car and tiks:
"Politically is a fine man personally; politically he's repulsive. His advisers pushing and pulling him around with little regard for his personal feelings gives him that 'sear-cared' rabbit'. Look London is in for a big fall. In the fall there is a distinct stratification of the electorate. Class lines and class consciousness are becoming more pronounced. The Literary Digest Foll reaches only those having telephones or automobiles. Hence, the middle-class, which is for Landon, is tested; but the mass proletariat, which is predominately for Roseveer, gets it.
"A Non-Existent Fascism"
The car slides through the shadows of dusk while the sun from beneath the horizon sends purple streaks skyward. Mr. Thomas gives a quick tour of the wavy robe around him, and while slumped down with only his head and white hair in sight, again talks:
"The Communists have put off the revolutions in order to save America from Fascism—a non-existing Fascism. Communists are sensationali-tions like a perverted social outlook. Socialism and the masses—with all their saviors, beware."
"The Communists are willing and anxious, but the Socialists, still too conscious of the former's fiery eyeballs, and hung back, stepped in jaundice."
In Faradayo Fonseca
Mr. Thomas finds himself in the position of believing that the Wabbs "Soviet Communism" is right to the detail, that Soviet Russia is a fine place, but that Communists are unstable, without definite program, and generally to be avoided.
The car rolls on. Mr. Thomas comments that Kansas is beautiful in the early spring when the whee
is green, green wheat is beginning to poke through the melting fringe of snow. Now with the sun gone, Kansas is desolate.
After the radio broadcast Mr. Thomas confided that when the campaign was over he was going to rest. He said he was going to take time off to chop wood in Maine. But he won't. His wife said that he al-so will. He can't stop. He can't stop. He can't rest and he can't chop wood as long as there are still share-croppers, silicae, starvation, and pellagra in America
After the banquet Mr. Thomas delivered an address in the city auditorium and still later he spoke over the radio.
The Roving Reporter
Steven David, Esq., c'37
Question: "What course on the Hill do you consider the greatest sum?"
Bill Townsley, c27: "Rhetoric, I have an inborn talent for that stuff it seems."
The Arrives Before the Arrives
The our slown down as we enter the room. The Thomas rummines in his bag for releases.
We are greeted in the lobby of the Jayhawkier by stares, old friends, newspaper men, and hushed and slightly awhispers of, "There's Norman Thomas—the Socialist!" We are handed Henry Allen's "Toppea Jane Journey" and have four hours earlier at 2:30, and gave quite a lengthy interview. Mr. Thomas laughs. Newpaper enterprise.
At a banquet Mr. Thomas voices his gratitude for not being introduced with the famous phrase (incorrectly attributed to Voltaire) in the word of what you say, I'll defend with my life your right to say it.
He minced no words in lashing the liberals who are supporting Roosevelt. He concluded that the New York Times was right and that the difference between Landon and Roosevelt was that of "different in bells on two identical and empty
Jack Waterbury, ed'ucl: 'hunted all over and haven't fou
George Paria, b38: "Sociology—just fundamental things one learns every day—which is just repeated in class."
Ray Tripp, c38: "English literature. Anyone with adequate high school training in that course can train it without reading a book."
Dave Lutton, e37: "Every snap I took turned out to be the hardest course I've ever encountered."
one yet-I must be dumb." Page Diogenes!
Vernon Landon, fa.289 “Conduct-
ing—It’s simple. All you have to
do is wave a baton—and several
other things.”
Carolyne Alkire, c.39: "Home decoration. All you have to do is cut out pictures."
Call 646 for prices on Other Articles.
It would appear that Poly-poly Asher would be at home in this course. The practice he'd had at cutting out paper dolls!
On Nov. 9, 10, 11, and 12 the Kansas players will present "Bury the Dead," by Irwin Shaw, with a cast chosen from the student body. Following "Bury the Dead," the Players will sponsor the prize for "The Greatest Victory." On Dec. 10 the Wichita Players. This play was written by John VanDruten.
Jitney Players Here Thursday Night
Once again our assistant in charge of thinking - up - stuff has come through with the question of the formation of Kiemp, v. 138 Grassais, and so on.
On Feb. 22, another all-school production will be given. Although not yet chosen, it will run for four days. During the third week in March the last show of the year will take place. Here again the cast will be chosen from the entire student body.
Activity books will be honored at all of these plays, except for the presentation of the Wichita players, at the spring recital. This will be charged for reserved seats.
DRÉSSES. plain - - - 50c
SUITS - - - - 50c
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Official Student Paper of THE UNIVERSITY OF KANSAS LAWRENCE, KANSAS
"The Rivals," which is to be presented Thursday night in the University auditorium by the Jitney Players, will begin a two-week run in this year's dramatic schedule. Three of these will be presented by the student dramatic organizations, Allen Craft, professor of speech and drama.
DRESSES, plain - - - 60c
SUITS - - - - 60c
Delivered
PUBLISHER ___ JOHN R. MAGONE
DALE O'BRIEN ALMA FRAZER
EDITOR-IN-CHELT WILLIAM GILL
New Staff
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