4
Monday, September 12, 1977
University Daily Kansan
UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
Comment
Unsigned editorials represent the opinion of the Kansan editorial staff. Signed columns represent only the views of the writers.
Nunley should resign
Tonight, members of the Student Senate Sports Committee are to decide whether Bert Nunley, committee chairman, is involved in conflict of interest in his dual role as a student representative on the University of Kansas Athletic Corporation (KUAC) board and as a $200-a-month intern employed by the KUAC.
Nunley requested the "vote of confidence" following his decision to temporarily give up his voting rights as a member of the board. If he receives a vote of confidence by "an ample majority," Nunley says he will ask to have his KUAC vote back. If the vote fails, he will continue to serve on the board in a novotting capacity.
In a time when all are feeling the pinch of inflation, students' voices need to be heard on organizations that determine how much money students will spend next year.
BUT IN ONE stroke, Nunley has undercut student representation on one of KU's most influential governing bodies. Considering that and his dual involvement with the athletic department and the sports compensation he must resign his chairmanship or quit his job.
Nunley is one of four student representatives seated on KUAC's 21-member board. The board is required to meet three times a year and discuss, among other things, personnel, the annual budget, renovations
and ticket prices. The philosophy behind student representation on the board is that students have a large stake, for instance, in deciding how much they will have to pay for season tickets, and that students, therefore, should be allowed to indicate their preferences in a manner that carries more weight than words — by voting.
STUDENTS ALSO have a right to be represented by a board member who is not an employee of the athletic department, no matter how conscientious that member may be.
Nunley has maintained he can still be effective as a novoting board member and has implied the students' votes on the board do not count. Most of the KUAC board meetings have been noted for unanimous votes; however, there is nothing to guarantee a crucial vote would not come up and student opinion could be slighted.
If Nunley's principal concern is getting his opinions heard and the athletic board agrees his comments are worth hearing, then he could attend the meetings as a nonmember and voice his opinions after being recognized by the board.
Nunley should either quit his internship or resign his chairmanship. Either way, KU students would then have four voting representatives on the board, none of whom would be employed by the organization the board is trying to regulate.
Big brother bears the brunt of having parents who are still learning to be parents. Armed with a copy of Dr. Spock and lots of highfatian redions about how to raise children, the new book is now to be loving but strict disciplinarians. Their boy isn't going to be disrespectful, cause trouble or wind up a failure. He'll be a great mentor, an astounding citizen and, maybe, president of the United States.
It's tough to be a big brother.
So son one song one tends to be more serious, more dedicated and more earnest in his efforts. He's the one who tries harder.
SON NUMBER two will probably be more gregarious, a good sport and the class clown.
And it's not that they don't care as much for their second son. It's just that by the time number two comes along, mom and dad have learned a thing or two from practical experience. They're a little more relaxed and they take things a little easier.
And everything turns out fine.
It's when son number one ends up actually being pressured State Farm to son number two still wants to be class clown — that the problems start.
Little brother needs watching
protects him.
Number one is President
Jimmy. Number two, of course,
is First Brother Billy.
Jimmy is earnest and hardworking. Billy is just having fun.
While Jimmy ponders the
Freedom in third-world nations incompatible with development
By SYLVIA ANN HEWLETT
Public discussion on the issue of human rights in the third world has generated more heat than light because it has failed to recognize the large-scale costs of more humane policies.
There is no natural affinity among capitalist growth, political freedom and democracy in contemporary underdeveloped world, repression and poverty have become common features of modern life and growth strategy.
Part of the explanation lies in the origin of modern industrial growth.
In the majority of underdeveloped nations, elitist power structures inherited from a colonial era have promoted rapid industrialization via multinational corporations that both employ and sell to a privileged group within the population.
Multinational firms, utilizing large amounts of capital and small numbers of people while manufacturing sophisticated goods for an elite market, produce a rapidly growing economic growth. But both rigidly and exacerbate the inequalities of the colonial period.
But industrialization via the multinational corporation in heavily protected small businesses. Firms operate with above-
Capitalism is the extraordinary belief that the nastiest of men for the nastiest of motives will somehow work for the benefit of us all.
—John Maynard Keynes
THE NET result is a "vicious circle of wealth" operating between and among the richest 25 per cent of the population. This dynamic completely bypasses the vast mass of the people who remain in a state of miserable poverty.
normal profit margins at less than full capacity amid shortages of skilled labor and basic industrial goods, and this leads to chronic inflationary problems that governments ultimately resolve by ruthless stabilization policies.
Suppression of workers' wages and emasculation of trade union structures become essential parts of inflation-control programs, and there is a further deterioration in the social and political well-being of the laboring classes.
IF POVERTY and repression are instrumental to the growth strategies of underdeveloped countries, it is fruitful questions for analysts: How much human suffering is required for how much growth? For how long do governments need to contemplate these ideals?
Take the social welfare issue. There appears to be a rather narrow range of policy options. The great majority of developing third-world nations have pursued development programs that have permitted little "trickle-down" of the fruits of economic growth in these countries. Indeed, a recent study of growth and social equity in 74 developing countries found that most people are worse off after several decades of economic development.
In the sphere of political freedom and civil liberties, there seems to be a wider range of rights in the third world are wildly and fearlessly repressive; others have milder versions of authoritarian rule with less flair or basic political and civil rights.
AT FIRST GLANCE it would seem that many of the repressive extremes are, at best, just barely related to economic strategies and have more to do with culture. For example, Idi Ahmad or the particular nature of bourgeise reaction to Salvado Allende's rule.
However, one should not overdraw the importance of personalities and other specifics for political systems: The simultaneous appearance of repression and care in a system of conspicuous associations in contemporary under-developed countries.
The great majority of successful third world nations have found the systematic denial of political and civil rights an essential tool in their struggle to industrialize.
THE OTHER dimension of
the costs-of-growth issue in the underdeveloped world is the longevity of these critical social and political trade-offs. Many theorists have advocated uninhibited capitalist growth in the short run—whatever the costs on the assumption that a bigger pile is bigger to divide up more equitably in the future.
This begs all sorts of questions as to the structural and political impediments to equity in growth by the growth process itself.
THE CONSPICUOUS absence of human rights in the contemporary third world is neither arbitrary nor coincidental but is functionally linked to both strategies of these nations.
The conditions of contemporary industrialization are simply not conducive to the achievement of economic growth, political freedom and social justice in the foreseeable future. After all, that "vicious circle of wealth" is a self-perpetuating phenomenon can render excess of the people significantly redundant to the growth process both as workers and consumers.
Consequently, repression and poverty are much more than the idiosyncratic preferences of a few young blacks susceptible to "jawboning" by well-management of advanced democracies.
Sylvia Ann Hewlett, assistant professor of economics at Barnd College and at the graduate faculty of Columbia University, is a Research Fellow of the Lehrman Institute.
THE THREE R'S
Lynn Kirkman Editorial Writer
Panama Canal treaty, Billy guzzles Pabst Blue Ribbon.
While Jimmy selects a new FBI Director, Billy goes to stock car races.
While Jimmy has Bert Lance problems, Billy signs a contract to do guest shots on "Hee-Haw."
While Jimmy wonders what to do about Andrew Young.
Billy introduces a new peanut liqueur.
But Billy has hired a press agent, a move that usually means someone is looking to be in the public spotlight.
BILLY HAS developed a reputation as a good 'o' boy and the spokesman for the common man. He comes out hard against OSHA and government interference in his private life.
Psychologists who study the effects of birth order on individuals say younger brothers are more likely to be mixed in with their love for older brothers. It's the natural result of a lifetime of living in a family.
teachers and neighbors say,
"Why can't you be more like your brother?"
Maybe that's why after Jimmy went on national television, the nation began to warn the nation against excessive use of energy, Billy told reporters he didn't believe there really was an energy crisis.
That's one way to show big brother.
Obviously Billy isn't about to tone down his act. Being First Brother is too much fun.
There's some precedent for presidential siblings' giving big brother a few family ties by fixing the financial problems; LBJ's brother said a few embarrassing things to the press. But these were of short duration because they weren't played to the hilt.
But Billy doesn't seem to be trying too hard.
THIS IS NOT to say that it's not tough to be the younger brother. We need your resident to get on your team, sanity can be a full-time job.
And obviously Jimmy,
although he is a man of prince,
doesn't have time to be his brother's keeper.
But maybe he should appoint one.
... HAVE LOCATED SUBVERSIVE ELEMENT... AM REQUESTING DESIGNATED BULLET CARRIER AS BACK-UP UNIT... PLEASE ADVISE... OVER...
Lance doesn't just look guilty, he is
The controversy over Bert Lance's financial past and the debate over whether he should be charged with an interesting aid issue.
It is illustrated by the unfortunate comment made by one Kansas politician on Lance's business affairs.
Rep. Dan Glickman, D-Kan,
said recently. "Whether Lance
is guilty of illegal dealings is not
the issue."
Oh.
Then just what is the issue? Glickman said, "The real issue is that his dealings have the look of impropriety."
If a man has been accused of illegal and unethical conduct, the real issue is whether he actually committed illegal acts. At least that is the principle on which our system functions to work. Justice should not be confined to the courts.
Ross McIlvain
Editorial Writer
BUT WHEN a public official is accused of unethical or illegal acts—As Lance is—many people seem to think politicians should not get the same consideration.
SUBJECT:
Suddenly the deciding factor is whether the affair has "the lack of impropriety."
This is a dangerous and unfair philosophy. It is unfair to the infirm because of the conduct of open, responsible government. It is foolish to place a higher appearance on than on reality.
If Lance had not done what he is accused of, he should stay in his post as director of the Office of Management and Budget. If
he were innocent of wrongdoing, he should neither resign nor be coerced into quitting.
In this case, however, Lance did do what he is accused of—using the same collateral for two large loans and concealing information from a Senate confirmation committee, for example—and should resign. He has no doubt that he should, but says, in essence, he sees nothing wrong with what he has done.
ACCOUNTANTS and other bankers, however, dispute his claims that what he did was acceptable banking practice and considered ethical in financial circles. And some of his practices were plainly illegal, not unjustly.
To give Glickman credit, the fourth district congressman did call for Lance's resignation, but for the wrong reason.
Senate supervision adequate
To the editor:
Admittedly, the allocation and control of nearly $500,000 each year is a matter of considerable responsibility and concern. For this reason, the Senate has always hired a non-political assistant to be responsible for overseeing and recording the activities of the various Senate-funded accounts.
The Kansan's recent column by Sandy Dechant calling for close supervision of Student Senate funds seems to reflect a fundamental lack of understanding standing with the budgetary process, as well as the purpose of student government.
This position has traditionally been filled by someone with substantial professional knowledge of accounting systems. The current search for someone to fill this position after the re-reorganization of the Senate business manager is being guided by this same criterion.
BEYOND THIS professional control, all expenditures from Senate accounts are subject to the state's audit system in the state voucher audit system. This state supervision strictly limits the manner in which funds can be spent or services can be purchased.
The state voucher audit system also prevents any double-payment of bills, which Dechant erroneously reports in her column as having occurred. Furthermore, Senate books are
balanced against University records at the end of each month.
As an example of the current system's careful control measure, any student organization wishing to utilize the duplicating services of the University must submit a note to the Senate (one duplicate, one tape in quintupilicate), allow a 24-hour waiting period while the Senate treasurer checks the group's account and authorizes the expenditure, take one of the forms to Carrie Gorsuch or design them, and then take the materials to be duplicated.
IT IS HARD to believe that anyone would suggest further complication of this procedure.
Dechant also charges that the Senate acts in an unconcerned manner in allocating student activity fee funds. No one who has shared the countless hours of examination and questioning which transpire in the budget package matches the budget package is prepared code laule the senate "unconcerned" about financial transactions.
Perhaps the Senate is not a "professional organization," as Dechant suggests, but I believe there are firms far more important things.
Above all, I believe that the KU Student Senate is a STUDENT senate. It is a laboratory for learning and testing theories
of "government." It is a place where students (as senators or committee members) learn by doom; learn from their missteps.
if our sole aim is professional administration and usage of student activity fees, then it may make more sense to run back over to the Chancellor's office.
It was only several years ago KU students were given control of these funds. I am struck with disbelief that a writer for a student-run newspaper and activity fee-funded newspaper has greatest that we relinquish some of the regulatory privilege and right.
Chris Caldwel
Chris Caldwell
Acting Senate Treasurer
Glickman apparently did not want to admit that Lance, a fellow Democrat, did anything wrong. (It just looks that way.) But with public opinion so strongly against Lance, it would be dangerous for Glickman to support him.
Party loyalty only goes so far—re-election is more important.
So Glickman, like any wise politico, hedged his comments. He called for Lance's resignation because he thought but carefully avoided implying Lance is guilty of illegal or unethical conduct, thus softening the harsh glare on a follow-up to Carter's administration.
GLICKMAN apparently does not want to give anyone the foolish idea his political party is no more honest than any other.
So he called for Lance's resignation on the grounds that the controversy was hurting public confidence in our government. That too is true and is a challenge to force Lance to resign.
But by far the most important reason, the "real issue" as Glickman puts it, is the fact America does not need a financial buccaneer directing its office of Management and Budget.
The Wichita congressman also brought up a good point when he reminded us of one of Carter's campaign promises.
"President Carter promised during his campaign that he would not allow even the appearance of impropriety in his administration," Glickman said.
Well, congressman, Carter does not have the appearance of impropriety in his administration, he has the real thing.
THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
- ousted at the University of Kansas daily August 29, 2015.
- June and July except Saturday, Sunday and holiday
  June and July except Saturday, Sunday and holiday
  66454. Subscriptions by mail are a $1 merchant or $18
  fee a year outside the county. Student subscriptions are a
  year outside the county. Student subscriptions are a
  year outside the county.
Editor
Jerry Selt
Managing Editor Editorial Editor
Staff Manager Staff Manager
Campus Editor Barbara Roweice
Associate Campus Editor Debra Kerbow,
Assistant Campus Editor Debra Kerbow,
Assistant Campus Editor Rob Raines
Rob Raines
Sports Editor
Associate Sports Editor
Business Manager
Business Manager Judy Lohr
Assistant Business Manager Patricia Thornton
Advertising Manager Kaitlyn Long
Manager Home Manager Nancy Green
National Advisor Manager Dennis Shirey
Classified Managers Laurie Dawson,
Jennifer Hawkins