4
Monday. December 4. 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN comment
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Presidential Powers
During the last session of Congress, Nixon vetoed an $18 billion authorization of federal aid to waste treatment facilities on grounds that the measure was excessive and inflationary. Congress voted overwhelmingly to override the President's veto. Now, in keeping with the pattern of his previous decisions, Nixon has chosen to ignore the constitutionally granted powers of Congress and to proceed as if the powers of the president were unbounded and God granted. Nixon, against the explicit and legal direction of Congress, has interfered with the disbural of the funds in question and has announced that Congress or no Congress, he will disburse only half of the allocated funds.
This form of government, rule by presidential decree, has become a favorite with Nixon. When a simple person can obtain the particular bill or measure won't suffice to produce the desired result in Congress, Nixon simply goes on
TVand announces that it will be as he directs. Congress or no Congress
Thus, Nixon, by presidential decrees, can create Phase I and Phase II price controls. Nixon can decree Vietnam Game Plan I and Vietnam Game Plan II and Vietnam Game Plan "Peace Is At Hand" ad nauseum. Nixon can decree Russian President Putin's Mideast Policy, as though he were the only policy maker the constitution provided for.
As a result, the powers of Congress have been so drastically circumscribed that it functions as little more than a rubber stamp and debating society. At any rate it seldom serves as a national governing body without the president's prior consent.
Substitute for Victory
Perhaps the only decree left for Nixon to issue is the one liquidating this outdated, expensive, unprotective and inflationary remnant of the original war. He seems to care, he could probably get away with it. —Robert Ward
Rv.JOHN RAII.EY
The retirement of Gen. John D. LaVelle for the bombing of unauthorized targets in North Vietnam by elements of the 7th Air Force has been the subject of considerable controversy among various factions of the citizenry. Some people think the general should be decorated with a medal, while others feel the freedom they think is essential to a commander in the field. At the opposite end of the spectrum are those people who think the general should court-martialed for committing war crimes. Between these two extremes lie countless explanations of what happens when the extremes, are based on suppositions and incomplete information.
The LaVelle affair can be placed in perspective when compared to the situation that existed in Korea in 1851 which culminated with Douglas Maarthur being recognized of his ability to be recognized that because she is similar only a slight resemblance to each other, carrying such an analogy too far can be dangerous.
Early in 1951, UN forces in Korea were just beginning to turn the tide that had thundered down upon them in November of the year. A group of Chinese volunteers had crossed the Yalu River. MacArthur, a flamboyant, outspoken personality, began to public statements criticizing administration policies.
He advocated enlarging the war by bombing supply bases in Iraq, and also by bombing China, allowing the Nationalist Chinese to invade the mainland and, if necessary, launching an American invasion of Vietnam.
The MacArthur affair was the result of a difference of opinion over the invasion of Manchuria. MacArthur viewed Manchuria as "an enormous handout, with an enormous handout, without precedent in history"
"There is no substitute for victory," MacArthur said when addressing a joint session of the Senate after Truman had relieved him.
The administration viewed the
war as a limited conflict for limited objectives. A full-scale assault in Korea would require U.S. forces that were then weakening of Europe might prompt Soviet aggression there, not to mention the effect it would have on the collective security system the U.S. was trying so hard to contain. Omar Bradley stated, if such an expansion were approved, we would be fighting "the wrong war, at the wrong place, at the wrong time, with the wrong leadership," the administration was to present the integrity of South Korea.
MacArthur was relieved of his command for insubordination. On Dec. 6, 1950, Truman ordered MacArthur to clear all statements with Washington. On March 20, 1951, Washington informed MacArthur that the U.S. and the world were seeking negotiated settlement to the conflict. MacArthur defiantly called for the enemy's surrender, thus, killing the move toward negotiation.
"By this act," Truman later recalled, "Macarthur left me no choice. I could no longer tolerate his insubordination."
On April 11, Truman relieved MacArthur of his command, replacing him with Gen. Matthew B. Ridway.
LaVelle, by bombing unauthorized targets, is also known as a hacker. This little is known about the facts surrounding the case. Some of the facts are known and, in the interest of safety, must be aired before the police.
Limited warfare, by its nature, demands that rules of engagement (ROE) be formulated to keep the attacks within the scope of the objectives. Unfortunately, the ROE are altered in some respect at least every three months, according to a report by Force Magazine. Sometimes, the ROE are waived for a particular mission. They are usually open to interpretation.
A retired Air Force major has stated, "it used to take four days of 'going through channels' from request for a B-215 strike to bombs on target. Needless to say, we dropped a lot of tonnage on places
where the enemy had been."
in the air, a sloppily made업 in. The plane that a pilot could respond if he were fired upon from the ground or menaced by a hostile aircraft. Such a response is known as protective reaction. This ruling allowed American planes to strike in North Vietnam as small or小型 missiles or anti-aircraft wings were directed at U.S. planes.
Part of the confusion arose as a result of technological innovations on the part of the North Vietnamese. SAMs had a radar system as a part of their guidance systems that when unseen by the aircraft were device in the cockpits of U.S. aircraft. Such a detection constituted an attack and would facilitate a legitimate response. The North Vietnamese responded by tracking U.S. planes with an air defense radar which did not sound the alarm. Upon learning sites were, essentially, open game.
In another case, a MIG fighter had harassed a BS2. Fearing further attacks, LaVelle spoke to the Chairman, and requested permission to make a strike within the Navy's sphere of operation. He then asked the Chairman, and requested clearance it with the Navy and the strike was made.
The final case under investigation originated when LaVelle requested permission to hit "airfields, missiles, and radars, marshaling and storage areas. According to LaVelle's company, the Services Committee hearses, the authority that came through "directed maximum-effort strikes in North Vietnam up to twenty degrees (north latitude). It did not respond to any of our requests. It didn't say maritime threats," she said. It didn't say airfields; it said maximum effort up to twenty degrees."
So far as the committee members are concerned, the transcripts of the hearings contain nothing that Gen. LaVelle should be condemned for. Instead, the committee seemed to have a master mander who must work within the confines of the ROE today.
Hush, My Dear
What will, Women's Lib heating up, the following might have been written yesterday; but it wasn't. It appeared in the UNIVERSITY WEEKLY for Nov. 8, 1895.
One can't help wondering why it was written, 'wav back then'
Hush, my dear; lie down and slumber,
Close your little eyes so bright;
Mamma she's gone to buy some lumber,
She'll be home some time tonight.
During the hearings, LaVelle described an incident that occurred when reconnaissance planes took off from a namees building of up to 60 tanks that had been mobilized in preparation for the invasion of Vietnam. The tanks were only light or nine miles from the DMZ.
She has worn my Sunday breeches,
Gone a sportin', too, my joy.
there! I've dropped a dozen stitches
Of this damned old sock, my boy.
Lay down pet; do not bellow,
Papa's with thee; do not fear;
Mamma will be pretty mellow,
When she comes home, full of beer.
On thy down couch, my sony,
Gently rest thy little head;
I must go to the kitchen, honey,
Lest I burn that bread of bread
"We wanted to hit those tanks in the worst way we could." LaVelle testified, but "they were not firing at us and were not activated against us. . . We didn't hit those tanks. Senator."
-Thos. C. Ryther Journalism, Emeritus
In spite of the circumstances surrounding the bombings, one fact emerges that even common member Barry Goldwater had a secret weapon. La Vella "cannot be defended. We must be to disobey orders."
Judicial Code As News Censor
Jack Anderson
WASHINGTON - The Supreme Court has issued a sweeping new judicial code which would restrict the authority to censor the news.
The new code, of course,
doesn't mention censorship, but it
would broaden the Justice
Department's right to classify
information. The government
also wants more to hide embarrassing
information than to protect
security information.
In other words, the secrecy stamp is used primarily to keep the American people from finding out what the government doesn't want them to know. The government may call this "classification," but we call it "censorship."
The new judicial code also pointedly omits any special privilege for newsmen to protect their confidential sources. This change allows journalists to continue jailing newsmen who refuse to disclose their sources. The effect, of course, will be to limit the right of the press to investigate official secrets. For a case such as this, he brings his sources will lose them.
Newark newman Peter Bridge went to jail rather than reveal his sources. Now Judge Charles Older has clashed Los Angeles newsman William Farr in the poke for保护 his sources.
dersanding, however, that the north Vietnamese would pull back the bulk of the troops into embarkation centers and ship them home in progressive stages. Only 20,000 would be left behind to police the Communist-controlled areas.
The Honorable Older, thereby, is upholding the power of the government, Kremlin-like, to interfere with the people. If newsmen can be hauled before a judge every time the government wants to learn the identity of their sources, they will soon be left with none but safe, official sources. It has been our experience that official sources have given newspapers anything the government doesn't want them to know.
Judge Older has reversed a fundamental precept of democracy—that the individual has the right to know just about everything about the government, but the government has the right to know very little about the individual. Increasingly, the government behaves as if it has knowledge of every corner of every citizen's life, while keeping its own activities secret.
intended that the press should be a watchdog on government; ; that the press should serve the governned not the governers; that freedom of the press should be a license for newsmen to dig out the government's abuses and reveal them to the press.
Thomas Jefferson, the father of democracy, understood that the press must be free to criticize and condemn, to expose and oppose. "Were it left to me to decide," he wrote, "whether we should have newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
Our founding fathers clearly
He understood that a free people are better off with no government at all than with a state. He said he would Nor did he retract his statement after he had been abused as President by irresponsible newspapers. Rather, as he newspaper of the first term, he wrote to a friend:
But South Vietnam's President Thieu angrily angled at any secret understanding and insistence on drawing a drawal agreement. In his view, the North Vietnamese are invaders and aggressors. Dr. Nguyen said trying to find a compromise that both Hanoi and Saigon will accept.
"We trust (the democratic experiment) will end in establishing the fact that man may be governed by reason and reason, therefore, be to leave open to him all the avenues of truth. The most effective, hitherto found, is the freedom of the press. It is, therefore, that first shut up by those who fear investigation of their actions."
White House sources, who have not seen the transcripts but have participated in the policy debate, said the United States definitely reneged on an agreement that was reached in Paris in October.
Footnote: Contrary to public reports, the President and Dr. Kissinger have had no engagement with the no response to a Vietnam settlement. The President is so pleased with Dr. Kissinger's handling of the negotiations that he no longer responds and every work of the transcripts.
The new judicial code—while recognizing the privilege of lawyers, doctors and clergyman to protect confidence—would deny the same right to newmen. The institution clearly places freedom of the press above freedom to practice law or medicine.
The main sticker was the withdrawal of North Vietnamese troops from South Vietnam. Hanoi refused to acknowledge that its troops were fighting in the same time upon the right of all Vietnamese to resist foreign "aggressors."
This dangerous code, which would have the effect of abridging freedom of the press, will become law automatically 90 to 120 years later it is submitted to Congress in January unless both houses reject it.
These were such basic tenets of Hand doctrine that Dr. Kissinger decided to negotiate around him. He was more interested in producing a workable settlement than a public document. So he sent his agent to the embassy, but never mentioned, a North Vietnamese withdrawal.
The transcripts of the secret truce talks have been so tightly
guarded that few people, other than President Nixon and Henry Kissinger, have access to them.
He reached a secret un-
Copyright, 1972. by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
"SAY, WHERE'S MY DOVE?"
James J. Kilpatrick
Public Disenchantment Increases
WASHINGTON—If one theme occupied us more than any other, throughout the campaign year, it was the theme of public disenchantment. Let me return to that theme with some fresh evidence and many observers have sensed but not precisely define.
Alabama's Governor Wallace, one of the nation's canniest politicians, was the first to catch this feeling and to put it on use in the hustings. Over and over he spoke of the little guy who is "fed up to here." Fed up with what? Fed up with just about what? Govorowe would kick off the little guy's grievances: schools, health care, soft-hearted judges, incompetent bureaucrats. The crowds loved it. As they say in the South, he had 'ern nodin'.
Many top correspondents, notably David Broder and Haynes Johnson, wrote of this same mood. Everywhere one sensed a disenchantment with old institutions, a kind of alienation between the people and their government, a feeling of frustration. It was a emergent as i
Four or five weeks ago the Harris Survey, one of the nation's most respected polling outfits, took this temperature. More than 1,600 households, chosen at random, were asked to state their level of confidence, only some confidence, or hardly any confidence" in the leadership of sixteen areas of public interest.
in psychiatry, 30 percent in religion.
The poll dramatically confirmed our impressions.
Let me take the press first, so this paragraph will not get chipped off if the column runs too long. Back in 1966, when the Harris survey asked the identical question about confidence he had great confidence in the printed press; that figure is 18 percent today. Twenty-five percent had great confidence in television six years ago; that figure has dropped to 17. Some 21 percent formerly reported in advertising; only 12 percent vote the same view today.
Harris found sad evidence on the public view of our educational system. A 33 percent had great confidence in education, but six years of campus activism, teacher strikes and student walkouts have the future this fall is 33 percent.
The figures are sobering, dismaying, frightening. Those of us engaged in communications plainly stand in need of relentless self-examination. It may be, in the case of TV and the press, that
Governmental institutions, as one might have predicted, show a slight drop in confidence" response has dropped from 14 to 27 for the Federal executive branch, and from 42 to 21 for the Congress. The same案庭 Court has fallen in public esteem, from 11 percent to 28.
we are wrongly blamed for honesty reporting the deterioration of our society. The bearer of bad tidings historically is unloved. But there may be major flaws in the job we are doing. In any event, not even one person can meet confidence" in the media.
The shifts of public opinion in other areas are still more dramatic. Six years ago, 72 percent of the people had great faith in doctors and their medicine. The figure has slumped to 48 percent. It is worse for banking and finance—down from 67 to 39. The scientific community has suffered in this shift, and its numbers dropped to 68 to 37. Only 35 percent of those polled now express great confidence in the military, 31 percent
Readers Respond
Architecture . . . Bloodmobile
Grant
To the Editor:
The Tuesday, Nov. 28, 1972, issue of the Kansan carried an important story buried under the misleading headline: "Architecture School Losses Grant." That headline should more properly have read: Architecture School Rejects Pendleton for that rejection have important implications for higher education at KU a. d throughout the United States today.
The federal funding agency, ACTION Office of Public Affairs, made its grant of student living cost stipends on a full year of volunteer participation in assigned antipiety projects.
KU'S School of Architecture and Urban Design had already initiated and implemented a similar program of 16 weeks in which students enrolled in the semester's academic credit within the school, proving its dedication to the basic concepts of practical experience, public and community service, volunteerism and off-campus education.
Letters Policy
The Architecture School's disagreement with the federal funders lies in their mandate of a full year's service, which would deprive students of the opportunity to pursue elective courses offered by itself but within the University. Rightly, Dean Charles Kahn and his associates have determined that there is more to the education of an architect than pregraduation office experience, however useful that may be, and that they will not determine that they will need their students merely to secure federal funding.
Letters in the editor should be typewritten, double-spaced and ahmum-
all capital letters. All letters are subject to editing and condensation,
according to the style guide. All staff must provide their name, year in school and hometown; faculty and staff must
provide their name and position; others must provide their name and
address.
At a time when bureaucrats, in both federal government and foundations, more and more use funding as a whit to enforce their
Carl Leban Acting Chairman
whims on well-meaning but weak-willed educators, it is heartening to have the example of strength and principle set by Dean Kahn and his school, and they are to be commended and congratulated for resisting such injurious pressures.
★ ★
KUBloodmobile
To the Editor:
This month the semi-annual KU Bloodmoble was held. For the first time in the KU history the quota was met with 807 pints or 101 per cent of the goal. The bloodmoble is flicted with injury or disease is represented in the blood donations.
Pershing Rifles Company E-7 wishes to thank the 802 who gave blood and the h.u.ndrs more who volunteered but were deferred for medical reasons. They can be assured that their gift was deeply appreciated. Many of the are the people who helped run the visit. Such organizations as
CWENS, Lawrence Gay Liberation, Alpha Phi Omega, McDonald-Badweiser, Jaycee James, and Shakey's were instrumental in the success of the Bloodmoble. Most of the department's publications fully supported the Bloodmoble. Among those active were the Grapevine (Business School), the Faculty Newsletter, and the Toll纸 Paper (Oliver Hall). Off campus, the Lawrence Journal of Fashion KUOK, KANU, KLWN, KUDL, and WDAF-FM gave excellent coverage of the event.
We also remind you that the Bloodmobile will return to KU in February and people here once again can "give the gift of life."
In a review of the 800 survey sheets and an intensive study of water resources, the State drive (1116 pints in three days) certain problems have been noted. A careful evaluation of the data is needed to alleviate these problems.
KU Bloodmobile Fall 1972 Shawnee Mission Sophomore
This is a terrible indictment, but there is no reason to challenge its accuracy. In each of the 15 fields, in both the private and the public, he has lost much of the confidence they once enjoyed. A prodigious task of public relations lies ahead, but it misses the point to suggest that the nation's institutions have been insulted. They had better begin by searching their very souls.
(C) The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
---
Published at the University of Kansas
and the University of Kansas Medical
and examination schools. Mail
a completed application to the
public postage and law offices.
The employment advertised offered to all
qualified applicants is subject to
all conditions. Options expressed are
based on the status of the applicant
at the State Bureau of Regents.
Newsroom—UN 4-4810
Business Office—UN 4-4358
THE UNIVERSITY DAY
KANSAN
America's Pacemaking
college newspaper
NEWS STAFF
News Adviser  Susanne Shaw
editor  Scott Spender
Jan
BUSINESS STAFF
BUSINESS STAFF
business Adviser         Mel Adams
business Manager        Dale Pipergerides
Corgymr UnivamorannuSatur
Hea Jayha in the peting
Coll milest weeke for na
K
W B
Until Bruin Rupp colleague Kansai last se
Und opene victor a Span lead t
"It said,
tucky Gus
Kentu count
UCLA
poll.
UCI Pacifi
they k
time n
Notre
Bruin
Not Michi Camp scorir
Ten
Seattl
Gaels
topple
edgec
Van
thems
72-64,
Louis
Else coach diana Weste Thom Misso