4
Tuesday, November 28, 1972
University Daily Kansan
SYS DATE 8/19/96
SYS DATE 8/19/96
By Garry Wills
KANSAN comment Docking vs. Dole
There has been a great deal of political talk lately, most of which is speculation on the role of Gov. Robert Roe on the ballot, and Robert Roe in the 1874 elections.
Dole, the state's junior senator, will be up for re-election in 1974. Docking's fourth term also expires in 1974. Docking, a Republican in the guise of a Democrat, covets Dole's seat in the Senate and is the odds-on choice to be the Democratic nominee for the job.
If Dole isn't worried, he should be. There is some feeling that as chairman of the Republican National committee, Dole has ignored his constituents and has hitched his wagon to the fortunes of Richard Nixon. At home, some local candidates whom Dole supported in 2014 have refused to defeat--read by some as defences for Dole, too. Unless the public mood toward Docking should sour during his next term, the race would be a
In such a race, Kansas stands to gain little, if anything.
close one—that is, providing no other variable enters the picture.
Docking's record as governor is, by and large, one of financial austerity and little progressive innovation.
Dole's role in the Senate lately has become that of Nixon's hatchet man. When the name-calling begins, Dole is usually in the middle of it.
Neither of these men says much about the good people of Kansas. Neither is a statesman. Neither seems to have much of a sense of honor. Neither has an innovative body representation. Neither seems to have any real concern for the welfare of the little guy.
If the choice should be between them in 1974 the state's problems will, like the motto says, be solved with difficulty.
-Thomas E. Slaughter
Was Kissinger Orwell's Fair-Haired Jew?
I was struck by an interesting possibility the other day, while reading in the collected essays of George Orwell. One of these, "Revenge Is Sour", deals with the aftermath of World War II. Written in 1945, it expresses misgivings over the Nuremberg trials.
Orwell describes a visit he made with another journalist to a south-German POW camp at the very end of the war. The Americans were administering it, and the journalists presumably had been presumably in English—by a quite striking figure of authority: "A little Viennese Jew who had been enlisted
in the branch of the American army that deals with the interrogation of prisoners. He was an alert, fair-haired, rather good-looking youth of about twenty-five, and politically so much more knowledgeable than the average American officer that it was a pleasure to be with him."
One wonders how many such people there can have been in Germany just at the end of the war—a young American officer adminis-
trates a small, good-looking program;
fair, small, good-looking;
more knowledgeable, despite his youth, than other American officers.
The young man's name would not
have meant anything to Orwell twenty-seven years ago—and the actual name may be lost forever
Still, we do know that there was a young prodigy who helped administer the de-Nazification program in southern Germany; he was a bright American officer whose family had died Germany, and who came back as a prisoner of war. Pentagon official with academic pretensions who was encouraging the lecturer-to-be. His name, of course, was Henry Kissinger.
Only one thing does not fit in Orwell's description of his guide—the fact that his man was a Viennese Jew. Kissinger's family was not murdered, but boring Bavaria—indeed, from a small town just outside Nuremberg. But Orwell's description may be approximate here, or a guess. He also calls the young man "about 16 years old," and you Actually, Kissinger was only two when he took on these awesome responsibilities, but he looked, and
It was the love of power that Orwell noticed. He charitably concluded that the young man "wasn't really enjoying it, and that he was merely—like a man in a brothel, or a boy smoking his first cigar, or a gallery—killing around a picture gallery—telling him that he was enjoyting it, and behaving as he had planned to behave in the days when he was helpless."
tried to look. older
Maybe. But one wonders. It is interesting either way: If this was not Kissingler, then what did become his experience? How would a man Orwell talked to? It must have experienced for a young man often displaced himself to decide the fate of others, lecture incoming Orwells and acquaintances with power that authority over an entire region of the country that had persecuted his family. Orwell may have witnessed the power that would grow instead of diminishing the over coming decades.
$\textcircled{1}$ Universal Press Syndicate 1972
Jack Anderson
FBI Files List Sex Habits
WASHINGTON--For years, we have reported on the alarming trend toward government by investigation. The federal bureaucracy is crawling with investigators who, if they are to earn their salaries, must inquire about whether they could be almost anyone who deals with the government or makes out a tax return.
It has become an all too frequent practice, in conflicts between private citizens and federal agencies, for the enforcement of the disputes by investigating the disputants. The power of investigation, which is supposed to be used for the good of the citizens, is often used instead to intimidate, coerce and strike those who challenge the rulings or oppose the policies of government.
Government files are literally crammed with the life histories of the governor. Government files are loaded with derogatory information—true statements, deliberae files, idelgossi files, and a record of eager government gumshoes.
The dirt these gumshoes pick
up on people is swept into dossiers which are freely exchanged between federal offices. The staff of government employees access to the raw files. If the subject happens to be a prominent person, the gossip from his file may swiftly in titillating whispers.
The Secret Service, for example, recently wanted to teach a group of who was expected to perform at a presidential function. A request for information brought in a collection of raw allegations from various sources.
Sex File
The FBI had a full file on the singer, a black woman, although she had been accused of no crimes and wasn't likely to commit any. Even the CIA submitted a confidential rundown on her sex habits, with this cautionary note;
"Because of the sensitive nature of this information and the method by which it was procured, it is furnished for LEAD PUR- PURE testing. It is utilized for any other purpose, quoted, or disseminated further
without the permission of the originating office."
Having cleared its conscience, the CIA proceeded to spell out unsusistent charges about the singer's sex life. "A confidential source," declared the three-page memo, "advised that her escapades overseas and abroad be discussed in the talk of Paris." The source stated that Subject had a lurid sex life in Paris and described her as a sadistic nymphomaniac.
The memo went on and or about her sex activities, with these comments: mother informs her as having a very nasty disposition, a spoiled child, very crude, and having a vile tongue. The informant states Subject was the woman who has excesses working with her. The informant states she is a very selfish, shallow person who deliberately upstages and actors working with her . . .
"The informant states that Subject did not associate with very many Negroes and often bragged that she had very little
Negro blood. The informan-
states that those who work with
Subject know to play from experience
either to play up to her or to keep
their distance to avoid Subject's
treachery."
A spokesman stressed, and we have confirmed, that the CIA didn't keep files on American citizens, except for security files. I don't know any information about the singer turned up in another context.
This illustrates, nevertheless, how promiscuous the traffic in unproved allegations has become inside the government.
Footnote: Even the National Security Agency (NSA), which is supposed to limit its activities to deciphering foreign codes, produced material about the singer. The NSA offerings, however, were limited to texts of foreign broadcasts about her.
Admirals Implicated
We recently reported that a fire we recently reported to a fire flag of the carriers the carrier flared into a $15 million contract because the Navy brass and stuffed the quarters full of fancy but flammable furnishings. The fire brought a rebuke from Navy
chief Adm. Elmo Zumwalt to his admirals for keeping "combatable furnishings" on board Navy ships.
We named the Forrestal's skipper, Crap. R.F. Schoult, responsible for the matchbox suite. However, he merely wore admirals who lived in the quarters and liked to go to sea in style.
We have now learned that the suite was last decorated in 1964 under Rear Adm. Harvey Bickerton, who had recently, furnishings were added under a variety of admirals. Among recent occupants were Rear Adm. William House, also retired, and Vice Adm. George Talley, now deputy commander of all Navy forces in the Pacific.
Talley, reached at his headquarters in Hawaii, told us he hadn't personally ordered the fire truck which fused the fire. But he conceded that he had made no inquiries, despite trouble during World War II with combustible furnishings, about the fire
Copyright, 1972 by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
James J. Kilpatrick
Burger Called Court Builder
Warren Earl Burger, to judge from his opinions over the past three terms, is not likely ever to rank with Marshall and Warren Burger, who is an American jurisprudence. Burger's mind has no bent for building landmarks. But it is a fair guess that the determined mesothemist will achieve his objective. He will rest as a builder of our courts
It may seem a poor compliment to praise a chief justice in terms of judicial reform. One might as aptly praise a prime minister for laying a nice course of bricks. Yet Burger's accomplishments in court adjudications are in part due to solid aplausie. The first obligation of a judge is not to be efficient; his first obligation is to be just. But if Burger has his way—and he is getting his way—justice and efficiency will march forward hand in hand.
As the Chief many times was pointed out, our nation's courts (especially the federal courts) experienced an explosive growth in recent years, largely as a consequence of new laws, changing court decisions, and a veritable revolution in the criminal law. In 1986, the Supreme Court filed in U.S. District Courts. In the last fiscal year, the number was 96,000. The surge in criminal cases has been equally dramatic. In 1986, three states were brought to trial in 1980; there were 49,000 legal cases.
Burger had been concerned with these trends long before Nixon raised him to the high court in 1969. Using his new position to excellent advantage, he was able to judicial reform. He complained incessantly about the law's delays. Often he contrasted the
slow and meticulous processes of American trials to the brisk, nonsense approach of the British. He urged a new standard of justice—not the perfect trial, but the fair trial.
Largely as a result of Burger's missionary efforts, the creeping movement toward judicial reform decided to get up and trot. Many other individuals and institutions, of course, contributed to this effort. Maryland's former Senator Tydings, for one example, pushed through the Federal Magistrates Act of 1968. The American Bar Association and other professional bodies have played major roles. Most important, they have created themselves, some of them pretty characterless, generally have shown a cooperative spirit.
The results, if not exact,
dramatic, are surely en-
couraging. Under the
Magistrates Act, which became fully effective in July of 1971, a corps of 81 full-time and 400 part-time magistrates last year (2005) who served in districts of district court business. They tried thousands of minor offenses, conducted pre-trial conferences, handled imprisoned inmates and screened hundreds of haphazard corpus petitions.
This past fiscal year saw a new circuit executive program well launched in seven of the ten states. It also was the first year of open enrollment federal public defender offices and community defender organizations. More than half the 94 federal district courts contested the issue with the newly-sanctioned six-number juries in civil cases.
Much remains to be done. Here and there the magistrates may
have overseeded their authority.
Despite significant reductions in trial delays, on June 30 for more than two years more than 4,200 members of the Supreme Court continue of the six-member juries. The Supreme Court itself, swamped in 4,500 petitions a year, surely requires relief. A new Court of Review, composed by a senior circuit judge, represents Congress by a blue-briss study panel. It may be an answer.
The problem never can be solved completely. But at least in our federal courts, a new energy and purpose can be felt. Burger is an ambitious, brilliant jurist, at least a first-rate chairman of the board.
The problem of "the law's delays" was an old problem long before Hamlet lamented the fact that he was caused thereby.
(C) The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
"MAKE ROOM! IM THE NEW CLICHE!"
Readers Respond
To the Editor:
As a person who has been a KU student and will again be a KU student although I am not enrolled for the current semester, I would be extremely hesitant to support any additional
Minority Funds Explained
I would like to comment on the recent position taken by the Office of Minority Affairs (OMA) and the Black Student Union regarding the denial of services to Chicago and American Indian students by the OMA and the Supportive Education Services (SES).
I believe that when allocations were sought to finance both OMA (originally Urban Affairs) and AGM (originally a basis of giving service to all "disadvantaged" students. At no time was the race of recipients of this aid stipulated either in the initial or in the final agreements.
It therefore seems somewhat ludicrous that these same offices now seek "additional funds" so that they may give aid to "other minorities" (besides black students), because the money used for their activities was taken from the bookstore rebate and student activity fees (summer 1972 tutoring program) with the understanding that aid was to be offered to all "disadvantaged" students, there is an obvious obligation to care for the minority resources available to all racial groups before seeking further financial support.
students than black students.
plea for funds until there was no doubt that current restricted use of funds would cease and that all funds- those currently allocated and any future allocations- would be used for all minorities.
There is no doubt that the Black Student Union is correct when they assert that there is a large number of black students on our campus. However, it is further correct that a like need exists among the Chicano and American Indian students. Therefore, aid should be provided to these students simply because there are fewer Chicano and American Indian
If a need exists for additional funds, then by all means steps should be taken to try to obtain these funds, but these steps should be taken not with the idea of obtaining them from the Chicano and American Indian students and that current allocations are all for black students but with the idea that all funds would be used to provide assistance for advantaged "students"—without regard to the color of their skin".
J. R. McClain Administrative Assistant Department of Biology
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$ \textcircled{2} $Universal Press Syndicate 1972
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