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Monday, November 20, 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN comment
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Wade's Winning Way
The news of the resignation of Athletic Director Wade Sünson and his reasons for resigning present an insight into what seems to be the prevailing University philosophy toward participation in major collegiate athletics.
Stinson resigned, ostensibly, because he felt his control of the department being eroded by influences outside the University. Specifically, those interests—certain alumni and "friends" of the University—would have liked to see Stinson relax his adherence to NCAA policy guidelines regarding cheating, and wanted him to beat the bushes for financial support.
Stinson styled himself a strong administrative figure and was willing to accept the predictable criticism that one in such a lonely position brings on himself. In the same token, he wanted all matters of the department accountable to him and alone. Increasingly this philosophy put him at odds with influential segments of KU alumni. Evidently his opposition was strong enough to force him to choose between sacrificing his philosophy or his job. He chose the former.
Perhaps at the heart of the situation is the very size and scope major athletics have assumed. Athletics here or at any major university is big business. It is not a nickel-dime operation—but a corporation involving millions of dollars. In such a
situation there is great pressure to make a profit, and in this business that means winning. Losing teams don't draw crowds—winners do. Crowds mean money and increased financial support. The equation is fairly obvious, the method of achieving the final solution to the equation is more perplexing.
Stinson believes it is important to win, but to win fairly. His opposition comes from those who, too, want to win—but at any cost. It may be that men like Stinson are a dying breed. Faced with the pressures of balancing the ledger—winning—the easier, and harder, is to bend the rules here and there if it will produce a profit. It may be that it is impossible to produce a profit without cheating.
Winning equals cheating?
If Stinson's resignation answers this question in the affirmative, at least as this University it is to treat you with respect with the implications of the answer.
If Stinson's allegations are true, and there is strong evidence that they are, it is no longer possible to justify athletics as representing a measure of the character of the University. It should be cut out like a cancer before the whole body is destroyed. The University is no place to wink at corruption and those that believe it should are not deserving of its recognition.
—Thomas E. Slaughter
Stinson's influence will be missed.
Jack Anderson
Favorable 'Fix' in Flanigan File
WASHINGTON-Buried in the news, the judge said evidence that its apologean didn't tell the truth about White House intervention in a landmark case.
The case was brought last year against Armco Steel Company, which was ordered by a federal judge to pay $1.7 million wastes into the Houston, Tex., ship channel. After the company appealed to President Nikon, the Justice Department abruptly dismissed the government more favorable to Armco.
The backstage wirepulling was handled by White House side aide Peter "The Fixer" Flanigan.
But the Justice Department claimed it had received no direct pressure from the White House. This was the testimony of then-Attorney General Shirak Kashima, who appointed to the Court of Claims.
His testimony is disputed, however, by a memo we have obtained from the department's office. The memo appears to appeal to the White House, the memo indicates, Flanigan's office was in tough with Kashwa. He, in turn, directed a section of the memo as part of the settlement terms with White
Green dictated a memo to the files, dated Sept. 30, 1971, and sent it to Mr. Green at White House. Some of the names, typed up phonetically, are misspelled. Here, however, are Mr. Green's incriminating memo:
House aides John Glancy and George Crawford in Flanigan's office.
"They told me they had a job, but the president (William Verity), the president of the Armo Steel Company, who told them that he would have to close down the plant in light of the case. Mr. Glanzie and R case, Mr. Glanzie and R said that the resident does not work at the plant and more unemployment created, and they asked why we had brought the suit to close down
"A little after 7 p.m. last night," he began, in accordance with Mr. Kashira, Mr. Kashira, I called Mr. Glanzie (sic) and George Crawford at the White House to the questions about the Armée case.
without firing anybody. I further said that with Armoce, as with our other defendants in Refuse Act cases, we had tried to negotiate a schedule of pollution abatements and denied diligently dirust their operation.
"I said that we did not want to close the plant either, and that we had heard, in fact, that the plant would be able to operate
"I pointed out that Armco had chosen not to negotiate, because he was not a judge on the court, and that now that it had lost, it was faced with the challenge of discharging immediately. Mr G兰妮 and Mr Crawford said that something would have to be done by Armco in requesting the Judge to stay the execution of his case, they said that they would call Mr Armco."
"At 8:30 p.m., Mr. Glanzie and Mr. Cawford called back and said they would speak with Mr. Verity and Mr. Flannagan (sie), and had decided that if this wounds be met with the apprehension to BE meet should go before the Judge and join with Armco in a request for a demonstration. During this time co would attempt to secure from the appropriate local agency a permit which would authorize it to perform any system and make from that
system the necessary discharges into the air...I said I would inform Mr. Kashwa of his proposed arrangement, and I thereof called Mr. Kashwa summarized the foregoing."
This amazing memo not only shows how corporate fatcars are able to infiltrate the White House; it also proves that Kashiwai misedls the fact that the president is about the case on Capitol Hill. At the hearing, Rep. Henry Reus. Hill, its co-president, who knew of Flanigan's influence at EPA confronted Kashiwai.
"When the president of Armco, "snapped Reus, "comes around to Peter Flanigan or John Cooley. He's supposed to a record of pending litigation, he should be thrown on his ear, no matter how much he has contributed in hedge funds... This is akin to a "fix."
"Well, nobody fixed anything in my office," retorted Kashiva. Contrary to the evidence in the memo, he emphasized that the Justice Department dealt only with EPA not the White House. "He was longer with the White House, acknowledged in us that they had
been in touch with the Justice Department on the Armco case. He was best of his memory, that he had given Kashira. Kawishi. Crawford said he could not recall the names of the attackers involved in the Justice Department.
Our political institutions and our political thinking are geared absolutely to the two-party
Verity said his company had been caught in a squeeze between state and federal authorities. He had appealed to the White House, but he did not do his Texas plant. He acknowledged that he and other Armco executives have contributed to the GOP campaign to corporate standards, however, donations haven't been excessive.
Martin Green, who wrote the embarrassing memo, told us simply, "I have nothing to say." He said he had learned from General Kent Frizell, who had read the memo and couldn't comment on it. But as for the Armo settlement, he said: "I didn't learn that results achieved and obtained."
James J. Kilpatrick
Judge Wakley, reached in his chambers, responded: "I just asked the details. My testimony up on capitol Hill was the whole of it."
This whole concept of "party" is known to some politicians, but it can be examined anew. It ought to be taken apart and remodeled. The trouble is.
Copyright, 1972;
by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
Bells Toll for Political Parties
The paradox lies in a confusion. The paradox is that he tends to treat Nixon's victory as a Republican victory. The tendency ought to be resisted. This phenomenal mandate, if it was not in his favor, would mile wide, but it was barely two inches deep. What ever it was, it was so small. He's not a Republican party as a party.
WASHINGTON—The Democrats have been picking at each other all week, like the sullen combatants in a bad divorce. Who gets the silver? Who gets the china? Who keeps Mrs. West-esteer? Who flips fight is for custody of the sulky, squalling party. Who wants it?
It is no bad idea, in this post-hurricane calm, to consider what this astonishing election may have been about and of the Republicans, too. In theory, at least, and in terms of all the conventional nomenclature of the twelve months in a struggle between the forces of (D) and (R). The great prize, of course, was won in a breech by (B)—won so easily, in truth, that the story passed from the new the next now is seen as a small embrasure, like a spilled cup of soup at a formal dinner. The Reverend polly looked the other way.
Who are these parties? It is hard to make them out. The Crowd was large for the long campaign to be met by oxyomers—this was a triumphant debacle, a disastrous failure, and his wildest dreams, would have conceived that grotesque Wednesday morning when the team had won the White House—and then lost one governorship, four state legislatures and two seats in the legislative back. Back the drawing board!
system. We have in the Congress majority leaders and minority leaders, the committees are prepared for action, and statistics are kept in terms of the changing numbers of (R) and (D). Temporarily at least, we need to know how much machinery that the same, but isn't. It is as if our factory had gone. The metric system needed old nuts will fit the new bolts.
The presidential election was only nominally, but not actually, a contest between the institutions
we still tend to think of as the right candidate for the Republican party. It was contest between a McGovinary party and an anti-McGovinary party.
Margaret Smith in Maine and Caleb Boggs in Delaware reportedly were defeated by the party. The record books will tell us so. More to the point, they were ousted by candidates of its Time for a Change party. It is an old tradition that, in party dating at least 1824, if
not from 1800, but we have no symbol for it. Its number is not important to Mississippi and Georgia. But Bosh! But analysts will go to their graves proclaiming that states "went Republican" in 1972.
The old parties are dead, I see—a die but they won't lie down to them. What must be maintained, simply because we have no other fictions—or facts entirely either in their place. Thus the struggle for the
orphaned heiress. Thus the growing apprehension for the GOP.
We are stuck with the two-party machinery, and stuck with the two-party labels. The labels work and the labels have lost their meaning, yet we stumble along with a President (R) and a Congress (D), chosen mainly by Voters (I). We have come almost every year to be politically speaking, that's what we have this November.
(C) The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
" IT WORKED CHIEF WE FOILED THE HIJACKING!"
Readers Respond
To the Editor:
Kissinger's Role Questioned
In Jeanne Hartman's article "Profs Foresee Few Nixon Policy Changes," November 15, Professor Heller, speaking about the foreign influence on Nixon's future foreign policy, suggests that we keep in
mind Kissinger's one-time interest in Metternich. I don't notice it in Heller's reasons for calling this to our attention. However, I would like to share my reaction upon Kissinger's interest in Metternich.
Griff and the Unicorn
By Sokoloff
Universal Press Syndicate 1972
I find Kissinger both a fascinating and a frightening figure. Leven drafted a campaign figure for Mr. Kissinger, "but no one that I showed it to got it. That Kissenger might try to emulate Metternich seems both plausible and dangerous. But I do not hand only in the Congress of Vienna (which had its own unhappy consequences for Kissinger) an internal Austrian affairs, among their repression of the press.
Also his intermittent perceptions of the new popular forces were nullified by the character of his father, whose one idea, the idea that change of any kind was a positive evil. It was not, in Franz's eyes, a question of resisting change; it required to forbid it." (p. 24).
Of course, any similarity to persons now living is purely coincidental.
Ruth Hull Graduate School'70
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