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Tuesday, November 14, 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN comment
Vote on the Olympics
The Olympics Games are made up of events enjoyed by people all over the world, and Americans were looking forward to having the Games in Colorado for the obvious reason that many of them would be able to in person the superstar athletes of the world perform. Although many Americans are now going to miss the spectacle of the 1976 Winter Olympics, most people agree that the voters of Colorado made a wise choice when they voted not to host the Olympics.
The reasons given for the result of the vote are probably as varied as the people of Colorado. Ecologists claim that Colorado residents voted against the olympics out of concern for their tourist-attracting environment. Grumbling taxpayers argue that the high taxes which would curse residents of Colorado (and Colorado tourists) resulted in the downfall of sentiments to keep the Olympics. Others believe that the fraud used to encourage the Olympics Committee to select Colorado encouraged Colorado residents to choose another place. The junior chamber of commerce boosterism which airbushed snow on pictures of mountains and made the estimated cost of the Olympics
deceptively low did not cause enthusiasm in the majority of Colorado's citizens.
The murders at Munich did not promote the Olympics' cause in Colorado. Unfortunately, the Games are no longer merely competitions between athletes but part of the athletic relations between nations.
In recent years, the Games have become as commercialized as Christmas. I doubt that Christmas will ever be voted out of existence, but many people showed their disgust at this inevitable evolution to crass commerciality by voting the Olympics out of Colorado.
Although many people are disappointed by the outcome of the vote, I think that those who voted against the Olympics made the wiser choice. There are too many problems and objections involved with the sponsoring of international games to make them a program for the Olympics. They were faced with miracle of modern television it is no necessary to sit outside in a Colorado winter to watch skiers glide over man-made snow to enjoy the competition between some of the best athletes in the world.
—Mary Ward
A Re-Election Panacea
I have emerged relatively unscarred from the 1972 Presidential election. Except for periodic fits of manic depression and temporary lapses of memory and identity, the biggest problem I face is my complete boredom with the post-election Presidential pronouncements. But last week I stumbled upon what I consider to be the perfect panacea for these mid-November malades. I've taken up whistle blowing.
My panacea, if slightly trying on those around me, at least serves to remind me of the absurdity of the '72 election, relieves me of my fits of jealousy with a distinct identity. It is nothing short of a modern medical miracle.
It all began last week as I listened attentively to the network commentators discussing the election. As each tried desperately to find the key to the historic Nixon landslide, I was suddenly—and very mysteriously I might add—struck by the significance of a somewhat insignificant incident that occurred late in the campaign.
The incident of which I speak was Spiro Agnew's whistle blowing episode during one of his final campaign speeches. I knew I had found the key to the election when I saw Spiro toot. That simple toot was the key to our success; he had missed in their search for mystical meaning in the Nixon mandate. I know there are those of you who soff. But hear me out.
Where, I ask you, can you find a more appropriate symbol to describe the new historic campaign than in Spiro's whistle? The President campained in whistle-stop style—he blow in and out of sight, occasionally, and then quickly. He didn't want to blow his lead. Candidate McGovern, on the other hand, exhaled a lot more air, but the shrillness of his whistle offended too many complacent ears.
In yet another example, the Republicans failed to blow the whistle on the Watergate conspirators, but cried foul on the Democrats for ever raising the issue. The Justice Department took heed, referred, and postponed the trial for awhile. Then there were the contributors to the re-elect effort who deposited their gifts before the deadline and, presumably, blew the scene.
Lastly, there was the Vice President. He was the one responsible for creating this soon to be legendary symbol of the '72 campaign, and he is the one who fell in love with the president's remembers, caught with his whistle down in the final days of the campaign.
So there you are. "The whistle is wonderful," is now my cry. And if my friends think me a bit odd, well then, a toto to them. My whistle I wear as a reminder to all. You blew it America, you really blew it!
Mark Bedner
Guest Comment
Guest Comment
A Re-Election Poem
Congratulations: four more dingy years
To mummel the villages, dismember
The children, ignore your ragged employers;
The usury, embezzlement of power
Has received an incredible mandate.
Still, you've lost: your dreams will ignore you, not great,
Without even the imaginative hate
Of Hitler or Caligula; your emblem,
The pettiness of a V.P.'s tantrum,
Kicking shins in Caracas. Liliputian
In a giant's trousers, continue; were you
Less malignant, child, we could humor you.
Gary Taylor, Topeka sophomore
Questions Linger After Election
James J. Kilpatrick
WASHINGTON—In the wake of Tuesday's election, questions press for answers. In what direction will Richard Nixon move? And what will become of major parties.
It has been said of Nixon that he has conservative instincts—and this is true. But it is equally true that he seldom acts on them. He is a solid conservative when it comes to school policies, the U.S. Supreme Court. He has taken a conservative position against the busing of school children to achieve racial balance. His efforts to keep a fair federal spending also manifest a conservative mind at work.
Yet in most other areas, the Nixon record is mixed. His program of welfare reform meets with criticism, not in kind, from the Treasury; his proposed by liberal groups. His dismal record of deficit spending provides no reflection of conservative thought. On economic policy he was a strong supporter has professed himself Keynesian. It is hard to say what be meant by that remark, for the late Lord Keynes is often misunderstood, but the President was not aligned with Adam Smith.
Which of the two faces will we see in the four more years? My own guess is that Nixon will prove to be slightly more conservative in his second term than he was in his first. From a wholly personal standpoint, he is now free to follow his instincts. He has
made his last campaign. The necessity for compromise weighs heavily upon a man who hopes to remain in public office. With Tuesday's astonishing victory, Nixon has cast off that weight. For the first time in his long career, he is senator, vice president and president. As is now his own man. It must be a grand and glorious feeling.
But there is another reason for speculating that Nikon will shift his compass to a more conservative head of the government; he is
also head of his party. He has a great opportunity to translate his personal mandate into a party that landslide a firm foundation.
To be sure, it will be said that he had this opportunity—and muffed it—in the fall campaign. Goodness knows he was strongly urged to stump the country for such candidates-in-trouble as his nephew John Patterson of Delaware, and Miller of Iowa. If he had gone into the field, and risked a few points of his personal triumph, it might have made a
difference.
Maybe so, but I doubt it. The rub-off effect is vastly overestimated. When it comes to particular races, pitting this individual against that individual, presidential endorsement falls at least as often as it works. Franklin Delano Roberts was this lesson to his sorrow. Harry Trump will come-uppence when he tangled with Harry Byrd. George Wallace faced to impress the voters of South Carolina by endorsing Democrat Nick Zeigler
With the election over and done with, however, it becomes possible for Nixon to build on party principles as opposed to party personalities. If the two-party parties much of anything hereafter, it is essential that he bend to the task. Democrats, of course, have the same obligation. Whatever may be said of the election outcome, it is plain—the party system, as a system, is a shambles.
against Republican Strom Thurmond. Nobody loves a carpetbagger.
It will be a few weeks before political analysts can take an accurate reading on the ticket-spitting. It was massive. The straight-ticket voter, motivated by blind party loyalty, has gone to the whooping crane. The species is the independent voter, unimpressed by party labels, is the new political king.
In theory, this is fine. Ideally, we ought to vote for merit only. In practice, the process can result only in the destruction of parties, as parties—and our government—have national levels of national levels, are geared to the machinery of party organization. Nixon won, but his party lost. McGovern lost, but his party won. On Capitol Hill, incongruity will reign once more. It is a nice, clear prospect, but in its own dear manner-built fashion, this democratic Republic will survive.
(C) The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc
Jack Anderson
Communication Snafu Revealed
WASHINGTON-House investigators have found that "lack of centralized planning" created a "severe mess" in military communications during the early years of the Vietnam War.
The military services "could not even talk to each other because equipment (was) investigators reported.
Their report, stamped "Secret—N. foreign designation—President of House Appropriations Committee. They quoted the late Louis DeRosa, then Pentagon administrator, as testifying on April 6, 1971:
"We had a severe mess on our hands, and it was urgent that we remedy this as soon as possible. We have already budgeted expenditures using commercial equipment and trying to adapt it to military requirements in the continuation of the war. We were not prepared for the type of joint operation . . ."
Various Pentagon officials explained it differently to the investigators, but it all came down to the fact that the military didn't have communications equipment that was compatible.
"It was suggested by the .. military services," wrote the House investigators, "that the 'severe mess' to which DeRaona alluded was the situation occasioned by the sudden and severe loss of jobs in 1965, and the lack of sufficient tactical communications equipment to meet the requirement.
- "The introduction of sufficient communications equipment lagged 12 to 18 months behind the development and dictated the utilization of a motley collection of systems comprised of old and new equipments, some of which were not widely used to operate because they were not
designed as joint equipment." Defles Nixon
The Administration's top and toughest black man is standing up to President Nixon over a campaign speech that played into hands of racially discriminating companies and unions.
In a Labor Day message, Nikon told the white-run construction industry and others who have worked in the industry just what they wanted to hear.
Quota hiring, which favors black employment, is a "dangerous detour away from the job market" on the basis of ability," Nixon informed the delighted industries. He called quotas "as artificial and unfair a yardstick for discriminatory efforts to deny opportunity to anyone."
At the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Chairman William H. Brown II. Johnson was dismayed over Johnson, who was dismayed over
Nixon's appeal to the hardhat an hardheart vote.
Brown, backed by the courts,
has pushed for minority hiring
under systems similar to the
US under which it was discovered racial discrimination.
For more than a month, Brown bit his tongue. Then, on October 27, he vented his feelings in a ringing private memo to his staff
"Recent newspaper accounts regarding statements by President Nixon on the issue of affirmative actions and quotas have led some Commission employees to question whether Obama will be any change in the policy or policy of requiring certain types of remedies for discrimination in employment," he wrote.
"The purpose of this memorandum is to assure you that, regardless of what interpretations may have been given to it, there has been and there will be no change in the policies of this
Commission concerning appropriate remedies for the elimination of discrimination in employment. . . "
"When discrimination is found to exist, it is the law itself which demands no less than full and proper compliance for discrimination may appear to some to be awkward, in-convenient, even burdensome perhaps. But if such is necessary for discrimination, Title VII demands no less."
Brown's term on the commission expires next year. But Nixon had removed him at any time as chairman. To him, Brown was more important than the job even though the commission has struck at such GOP sacred cows as American Telephone & Telegraph. However, as with all other presidents, he was asked for Brown's stand-by resignation as chairman the day after the election.
Copyright, 1972.
by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
Readers Respond
Russians
What's in a Name? Election ...
To the Editor:
For several days now, the following advertisement appeared in the Kansan, "The Russians Are Coming Nov. 9 Hoch." I assume that whoever was presenting the Ukrainian Dance Company which gave a performance on Nov. 9 in Hoch. Granting this is the case, then the ad is subject to a slight correction. It should be corrected and Coming Nov. 9 Hoch. Many persons, not sufficiently
enlightened to the differences between the two nations, make the mistake of calling Ukrainians "Russians" as if they were identical. Yet the very same language was used in calling a Russian a "Ukrainian." Does one sense a discrepancy here?
My purpose here is not to provide historical, linguistic, cultural, geographical, and religious factors which would account for the differences between Russians, but merely to point to the fact that such differences exist. An individual aware of
these differences would then think that the ad in question was referring either to the movie of the same name, or members of the Dance Company who might happen to be Russian. But he knew that the ad would think that the ad was referring to the ukrainian Dance Company.
G. Bohdan Duda Chicago Graduate Student
Four More
To the Editor:
To the Editor:
"Four more years." "How can we ever stand four more years
(groan)?" It is all one hears from the MGOvernments now that the election is over. But unless the leaders of the contesting itself from the Eric Krueger this world before 1976, the chances of Spiro Agnew, or whoever being elected for still remains (groan) will be vastly improved.
As James Klibatrick wrote not long ago, the American voter derives no comfort from the presence of moral rectitude. "He doesn't want us to nearest exit." And so he did on election day, thus validating one Biblewarning the Scripture-quoting Senator had forgotten, "He exists himself, shall be washed." McGovern did, and was.
Kramer, nearly cacking with glee as he remembers how in 1972, unlike 1688, "the antiwar people, under the McGovernation, in the city, and Richard Daley was on the street." Power to the people!
One might wonder just why Richard Dalley should have been the street—nearly a million people who didn't speak slate of delegates to represent them. But, as ever good Democrat knows, the antiwar people and the right opinions, and the people didn't, so—into the street.
By Sokoloff
So McGovern is gone now,
overwhelmed. But—they just
keep on coming—here is Erie
Griff and the Unicorn
But when they were thrown out,
they took their votes with them—
and smug condescension will
or, their votes, back inside.
Jim Gugleta Wichita Senior
$ \textcircled{c} $ Universal Press Syndicate 1972
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Published at the University of Kansai during the academic year 2018, this book is part of the University of Kansai's "Scholarship Essays" series. The aim of this study is to investigate the effectiveness of all studies without regard to order, creep or original authors and to compare them with those conducted by the University of Kansai.
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