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Friday, November 10. 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN comment
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
The Mood Remains
As was generally expected, George McGovern lost the presidential election. McGovern's campaign, based on its triumphs and significance,
Through McGovern's efforts, unconventional ideas were given the dignified status of issues in a presidential election. In the election a man proposed the idea that we be more concerned about saving lives than saving face in Vietnam. He suggested that the government take the responsibility to provide jobs for everyone who needed them instead of just providing welfare checks. He claimed that America did not need a defense system powerful enough to destroy the globe.
A third of the voting population indicated that they agreed with McGovern. This was not nearly enough to win the election, but certainly enough to cause those issues to remain a part of the American political and social scene. This is the significance and the triumph of the McGovern-Shriver campaign.
What these concepts, which vary
from the American political norm, need now is an apologist who is both an idealist and a politician. Although successful as a state politician, he did not have the tact and skill to be a successful national politician.
We might have admired his candidity and honesty but sometimes it was just too blunt. But it was encouraging to see a man who was willing to admit that a part of an idea was wrong. Unfortunately this example is not consistent. His refusal to compromise gratified those who agreed with him but alienated large segments of the voting population.
Although we may find the image of a politician distasteful, it is a successful politician's policies that shape the law and system. Before any significant change can take place through a process other than gradual evolution, idealists will have to become politicians. It is unfortunate that George McGovern could not fulfill this role.
—Mary Ward
Student Vote Power
One of the unknown factors in Tuesday's election was the effect of the "youth vote." In Lawrence that factor was no longer very much in doubt after the results of the precinct voting were analyzed. The effect of the student vote here was almost enough to carry the city for Nixon, but outside the city, however, pushed Nixon's total to about 56 per cent in Douglas County. Nixon won with about 53 per cent overall in the city.
McGovenn carried much of northeast Lawrence, which comprises moderately low-income areas and areas with large student concentrations. These precincts nearly voted straight Democratic, but in key races the student precincts often crossed party lines, as in the attorney general race in which they voted for Republican challenger Robert Hoffman instead of the incumbent. Vern Miller.
McGoventry's strongest showing in the city was in the precincts closest to the town center.
pus—from West Campus Road to Massachusetts Street and from 9th Street to 19th Street. McGovern also did well in the southwest area, which causes Daisy Hill and the apartment complexes southwest of campus.
The key to pinning down the "student vote" had to be those precincts that voted for Miller's opponent, Hoffman. Miller, perhaps Kansas' most popular political figure statewide, evidently is much disliked by the student community, regardless of what he might say about students respecting his "even-handed enforcement."
What students should realize is that their ability to control what happens in Lawrence is stronger now than ever. Undoubtedly, the city has been made real that in controversial issues students may hold the key votes.
Such a realization should change
premature political complex-
tional Lawrence.
-Thomas E. Slaughter
Guest Editorial
By ERIC KRAMER
A Long Time to Wait
For four years we will wake up wondering "What has he done now?" For four years we will go to bed knowing the federal government can be bought by ITT or anyone else with sufficient means. For four more years the military-industrial tapeworm will feed unchecked
It will soon be time for the drizzling, freezing rains to come. The light at the end of the tunnel is fading and the bloom hangs over American liberals.
The Committee to Re-Elect the Permanent Senate succeeded. We face four more years.
George McGovern was beaten
by the people and people
the Democratic National
council in shamha
But is the party that will continue its two-decade reign in Congress in a shambles? The Republicans got nowhere in the Senate. Democrats still have a margin of two dozen Representatives in the House. If it were not for the 12th amendment, which specifies that candidates for president and vice president must run as a team, Nixon might have had trouble pulling Spiro Agnew through the election.
Are we to blame McGovern for the landslide?
At the 1968 Democratic convention in Chicago the antiwar people were left in the streets. In 1972, the antiwar people, under the McGovern
reform rules, ran the convention and Richard Daley was in the street.
Women played an important part in politics for the first time. They comprised 40 per cent of the delegates at the convention. People under 30 had 23 per cent of the seats and blacks had 15 per cent. The president was beaten badly, but an incumbent president has not been dumped since Herbert Hoover took the rap for the great depression.
John Connally has left the party and many Southern Democrats are reported on the verge of leaving. Should the doors be thrown open? He should be given back to Richard Daley. John Connally and George Meany?
If Republicans treasure John Connally, then they run him or Spiro Agnew against Edward Kennedy or Walter Mondale in 1976.
No. The party is down but far from out. It should continue to focus on the value of human life and the needs of the people.
Four years is a long time to wait. It isn't comfortable knowing that the country just voted to give General Thieu the tenth largest air force in the world. But it should be of some comfort to know that George McGovern and his workers helped point America toward home, even though the journey might take four more years.
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We met in one of the rococe drawing rooms of the Rotunda Club, and for more than an hour Pound harangued a few of us on the evils of government, bankers and arsaces. It made no sense to lie about them, but not not tell if FOUND was denouncing living Rothschilds or dead ones
He left as abruptly as he came. Shortly thereafter, as I recall, Pound wrote to say that he could obtain special railway privileges for the boys he were properly accredited, in the our job shop work up a certificate as gauxa as a papal bull, complete with rippled ribbons and a red wax seal, declaring him a foreign correspondent for the Richmond News Leader. He left the school. As the years passed, he withdrew steadily into himself. The letters stopped. Now he is dead.
LETTERS POLICY
NEWS STAFF
News Adviser...Susanne Shaw
ment standards, a bad man. He admired Fascists; he hated Jews. The question he leaves behind—the question I find so hard to answer—is whether the world of letters should officially honor a great poet who is bad man. Can the artist be judged apart from the artist's life? From last month in World magazine Howe said no. He finds Poundy's vassal anti-Semitism beyond forgetting or forgiving. "The time has not come when Exra Pound should be honored by his fellow writers," he wrote.
The story goes that professional gag writers, sitting around can, say 'Number Forty-Two' and get a laugh for a joke signaed only by its file-card number. So, in the future, where
Scott Spreie
Letters to the editor should be空-spaceed and should not exceed 580 words. All letters should be condensation, according to space limitations and students must provide their name, year in school and staff must provide their staff must provide their name and position; others must provide their name and address.
Garru Wills
I met Pound only once, on the April afternoon in 1958 when his keepers released him at last from St. Elizabeths Hospital in Washington. He had been there for 12 years, no cracker than half a dozen, and the victim of a vast embarrassment on our government's part.
I have no answer. Should we drama critics honor Jane Fonda? They have so honored her; they find her personal activism irrelevant. Should we see poetry as poetry, acting as acting, singing as singing, or do we properly look beyond the work of Pound. Pound, the poet, should have been honored his lifetime, his badness kept out of the balance. But it is a question on which reasonably minded men will disagree, and I do not press the point.
professional politicians gather, it will take no more to get a laugh than the mention of McGovern's name.
Prince Albert, Vividian
BUSINESS STAFF
McGovern's Radicalism
During the year, when he was self-exiled in Italy, Pound made a series of propaganda broadcasts for the Fascist regime. It is ludicrous to suppose that the murky speeches had
WASHINGTON—Erap,ound who died in Venice 10 days ago, left to the world of letters a body of work, as poet and critic, that cannot be disdaind. And in the tragic example of his own life, he a question that cannot easily be answered.
His pledge was so absurd that, by the end, his people were floating corruption charges against Nixon's operatives, even though those charges included Republican sabotage of McGovern's rivals. That is, McGovern's people were charging the Nixon's people had been attacked by McGovern in the primaries, looking for a pushover opponent. The saboteurs thought the way to sabotage the Democratic party was to make McGovern its nominee.
In any event, Pound was released one day to Harry Meacham's custody, and they drove trumpontly down to Richmond—the diminutive Meacham, perky as a chipping glove. The eagle that was Eraz Purple: Flowing cleak, black pirate's hat, gray beard, his stunned and speechless mistress at his side.
Pound's Death Raises Question
James J. Kilpatrick
Pound's Pisan Cantos are utterly beyond me. Most of his earlier works also are hard going, but now and then one hits a lighter poem, or finds a sudden explosion of light in a single line, and his genius leaps from the page. This was a great poet.
A few fellow poets and critics
remembered, but the man who probably did the most to win Pound's release was a dapper little fellow, Harry Meacham, a teacher on the street in Richmond. He labored for Pound's freedom in the truest sense of the word, as an amateur: One who loves. Meacham loved poetry, and he loved Pound's words in the thousand letters in his behalf.
Here a grand jury indicted him for treason—for adhering to the enemies of the United States, giving them aid and comfort. It was a ridiculous charge, but we saw him so thoroughly days. Witness the treatment of the California Nisei. When his case came up for trial, the government wavered. If Pound would plead insanity and accept confinement in St. Elizabeths, that would suffice. So Pound went on. The justice department sardonic phrase—and most of the world forset him.
any corrupting effect on the mystified G.I.s who may have tuned him in. Nevertheless, Pound was arrested by American troops in 1945, and subsequently was hauled back to Washington.
A great poet, but by establish-
--positions on controversial matters. What made Goldwater a radical was not so much his hedged statements on tactical issues as he defined his positions toward blondness, just as McGovenh has.
That, of course, was because they felt they could pin the "radical" label on McGovern. He would be "the Goldwater of the Left." And so we had the endless hairsplitting on symbolic issues like amnesty, marijuana and abortion.
So the Republican plotters were right. McGovern was a fitting instrument for sabotaging Democrats, who himself at odds with other Democrats, which meant he was even more opposed to the process of large accommodations which Democrats would impose, a system that effectively expels those whose trust goes against the genius that system.
But the radical charge actually revolves around a more basic matter than any of the fine-drawn
(C) The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
No wonder they did not trust McGovern in turn. He had said, in effect, that he could only fail by being too good for the electorate. They responded that he was too "something" for them. And being too good for the electorate is an American definition of a political radical.
On Oct. 28, McGovern said he could not in conscience ask the people to support Nixon if the President should win again. I sympathize with those who oppose him, among their number. On the other hand, I have not submitted myself to the judgment of the voters—act which implies a certain willingness to abide by their decision. It is "radical"—a critique of the very process you believe to be necessary to say he does not trust the will of the voters.
Going into the Democratic convention, George McGovern said he would not support another candidate named "stolen" from him (i.e., if he lost). He had enough delegates to threaten Democrats, and men who thought he was better to support him than to tear the party to pieces.
No, what made Goldwater radical was his refusal to heal wounds in the party after his attack on "extremism" is a deliberate affront to those he had just defeated in the Republican convention. He spoke, then, for factionalism at a time when they were pressured to compromise. The American populace rightly suspects leaders, who will not even unite their own party, of an unfulfilled promise on any but their own narrow terms.
as a "radical" in the conventional terms of our electoral system.
Going into the November showdown, McGovern tried to repeat this "rule or ruin" "threat," and had no muscle to back it up. The only thing he did was justly the basic instinct which saw him
(C) Universal Press Syndicate 1972
Jack Anderson
Free Trips Lure Congressmen
WASHINGTON—With Congress out of session, it's the junking season for fooddoctors congressmen, and our embassies world have been alerted to prepare for their care and feeding.
Out of political discretion, most congressmen put off their overseas trips until after the election. But now, they are preparing to take off for their favorite vacation spots in Europe or the U.S., instead of course, so they can charge their trips to the taxaverses.
Some of the trips, no doubt, will be worthwhile. In the world outside, where much of the U.S. government has been congressmen have uncovered waste, have learned firsthand of needed reforms and have written appropriate legislation. They have directly to the people of the world.
Such trips, with split-second schedules and heavy work loads, are anything but glamorous. But most jinkeeters contrive to arrange their overseas business at the world's pleasure soods.
Next week, for example, three giant Air Force C-118 transport planes will haul Senate and U.S. government aircraft at the Atlantic Assembly in Bonn. The delegates, however, will spend most of their time sightseeing, in such places as London, Paris, Madrid, Belgrade and Sofia.
A C-118, we learned, can carry 80 passengers. Therefore, we wondered why it took three of the big planes to fly less than 40 Senate-House delegates to Europe. Even with their wives, they should be able to squeeze into one plane.
It is against "Senate policy," we were told, for more than 12 senators to fly on the same plane. The senators have split into two groups headed by Sen. John Sparkman, D-Ala.; the other is headed by Sen. Shuart Symington, D-Mo., who are delegates, who apparently are more expendable, will risk burning up in a third plane.
There will be no buncturing, however, after they reach Germany. Separate cars have been requested for each congressman. An urgent cable connection (U.C., U.S. Army, U.M. Command-in-Chief, Europe), spelling out the house delegates' needs:
"Request 17 military sedans and drivers be made available during Codel's visit in Born, Switzerland. Government jargon for congressional delegation). Also request a 2-ton truck meet for baggage necessary assistance in baggage handling . . .
"Members of the party will be traveling on department of the Army orders and are authorized military air, ground transportation and other logistic support to include PX and commissary facilities. Military air and ground transportation for military personnel and their husbands for protocol reasons is authorized on a space available basis at no additional expense to the government ...
"Please meet and render all assistance and courtesy." And this final note: "News media coverage not desired."
Representative Dave Martin, R-Neb. had a special request. The Pentagon asked "assistance in obtaining accommodations for Rep. Dave Martin and wife at the Von Stubenbur in Wiesaden for 20-23 Nov, 1972, and any other necessary arrangements, . . ."
security and trade issues. . . ."
The House group will go on to London, Madrid, Paris and Rome. Two tours are available to the senators. "For those senators, who do not plan to depart Bann at the close of the conference on November 24 for Washington, D.C., they will be Syringon to Eastern Europe," advised Sparkman in a private memo to the other Senate delegates, "a European Theater plane has been scheduled to travel as follows, the purpose being to look into European
security and trade issues. ..." The senators, accompanied by their wives, will study trade and commerce in a popular tourist town in Park Avenue in Dublin. Symington's party, meanwhile, will fly behind the Curtain to Beiglerad, Sofia, Bucharest and Prague.
Those who have signed up tentatively to fly with Sparkman are: Senators Howard Cannon, D-Nev., B. Everett Jordan, D-N.C., Edward McIntyre, D-Mass. Thomas McNellyt, D-N.H. Ernest McIntyre, D-N.H. R.N.J. John Cooper, R.KY, Marlow Cook, RKy, Tred Stevens, R-Alaska, and Henry Bellmon, R-Okle. Of these
Kennedy, McIntyre and Hollings told us they're still undecided about making the trip. Jordan says he probably won't go.
Signed up to fly with Syrington are: Senators Frank Moss, D-Utha, Clarborne Pell, D-R.II, Eagleton, D-Mo, John Tunney, D-Call, Lloyd Bentson, D-Tex, Gordon Allot, R-Colo, Jacob Javits, R-N.Y., and Jack Miller, Pell was uncertain about going.
The passenger manifest for the House trip includes:
Representatives Wayne Hays, D-Dohio, chairman; Charles Chamberlin, R-Mich, Patrick Caffery, D-La, Leslie Arres, R-
III, Peter Rodino, D-J., Frank Clark, D-Pa, Jack Brooks, D-Tex, Pau Findley, R-III, Samuel Devine, R-Ohi, Milvin Price, B-Dell, Irram Podell, N-D.Y, Dave Martin, R-Neb, Philip Burton, D-Calif, and Robert Matias, R-Calf.
Arends tells us he has changed his mind about going. Chamberlain has not definitely made up his mind.
We will report on other junktn plans in future columns. For when congressmen talk about going to the ends of the earth to help their constituents, they are being all too literal.
Copyright, 1972 by United Feature Syndicate, Inc
AP News Analysis
Nixon's Landslide Does Little To Boost GOP Constituency
Bv DON McLEOD
WASHINGTON **hit** President Nixon got his "New American Majority" in Tuesday's election, but it was more one man's personal victory over another man as a majority Republican party.
The one exception is the South, where the Nixon tide appears to have completed a Republican trend that had been evolving for two decades. But even then, the Republicans are more of label than ideology.
While Nixon was running away with the presidential ballot, the
At the presidential level, Nixon made a shamles of the traditional Democratic coalition of ethnic, labor and regional liberals Franklin Roosevelt forged out of the Great Depression.
There is nothing in Nixon's victory, however, that indicates he has shaped these elements into a national constituency for his reelection. He was remarkable in its ability to rub off on the rest of the GOP.
Nixon took labor states which traditionally belonged to the Democrats, but the labor voters supported him with Democrats in other races.
Five of the GOP house gains were in the South, and in four of them conservative Republicans replaced conservative Democrats. This will mean little change in strength in Congress. In the fifth a liberal Republican ousted a conservative Democrat.
Republican party suffered a net loss of two Senate seats and one governorship, offices in which the group already had a lopsided edge.
In the House, the GOP was adding about a dozen seats, against the 15 to 20 they had been expected to get in a Nixon landslide and compared to the 37 the Democratic Party held in B. Johnson landslide of 1964.
Democratic presidential nominee George McGovern couldn't carry his home state, but South Dakota Democrats won the
governorship, one of the two house seats and the Senate seat retained by Republican Carl Mundt for 24 years.
The same pattern emerges down to the level of state legislatures and local offices. In Pennsylvania, Nixon won the state but Democrats won the other statewide races on the ballot.
The only places where Nixon's much-needed party candidates are the South and neighboring areas, and trend always has been conservative.
So, the Nixon landslide translates into the apparent conclusion that the President convinced a majority of the electorate that he deserved their nominees. It was not the nominee, even though many of them had to break with tradition to oblige.
The next Republican presidential nominee will have to do the same way because, for the first time in his new major waiting for him.