Tuesday, November 7, 1972
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Kaman Photo by DAN LAUING
Aspects of Busing a Major Concern to Presidential Candidates Kaman Photo by DAN LAUING
Consumer Issue Confusing
. Some parents oppose sending children miles away . .
Rv NANCV STRUNK
It would be difficult to elect a president in which people are lands on the issue of consumer protection.
Nixon people and Nixon publicity say the president supports certain things, but McGovern's literature rakes over the coals President Nickson's proposals. The voter and consumer are confused to the point of comfort that the really doesn't want protection at all.
Nixon's stand is outlined in the GOP consumer platform:
The American consumer has a right to product safety, clearly specified qualities and standards. The consumer guarantees, fair credit procedures, and due recourse for fraud and deception. We are addressing these concerns forcefully, with the law's action and legislation and legal initiatives.
*Business management as is interested in consumer protection as are consumers
"LEGAL COMPLEXITIES often deny
tenure remedies for deception or product
failures."
"To assist consumers and business, Nixon established the first Office of Consumer Affairs. Also he has proposed a Buyer's Bill of Rights:
-Federal authority for the regulation of hazardous consumer products.
—Requirement of full disclosure of the terms of warranties and guarantees in languages other than English.
"Consumer Federation of America (CFA) supports creation of an effective, consumer protection agency (CPA) under the Nixon administration, Nixon opposes strong CPA legislation.
"CFA fought for a national no-fault auto insurance law to increase coverage and save consumers excessive premium costs. Nixon opposed federal reform. White House pressures killed no-fault for the foreseeable future."
"CFA proposes enactment of a new law permitting 'citizen class actions unencumbered' prior approval of federal action. Nim opposes strong class action legislation."
"GFA IS actively lobbying for legislation to consolidate government programs for food of foods, etc. in a single, new agency. Nixen is the comprehensive product safety legislation."
Sen. George McGovern, on the other hand, states in the Democratic platform that he is against fraudulent advertising claims and that he endorses the Truth in the established platform, this is the extent of material about consumer protection.
McGovern's tactic is to show, sar-
castically, "Nixon's Comision" record from
1968.
Nixon definitely has things to explain about allowing the delay of some consumer protection plans. But the picture is not entirely one-sided.
ALTOHUGH NIXON seems to be squeezing the consumer in favor of business interests, he is trying to keep both sides happy. He knows the financial responsibility of businesses, small and large, have in the economy and ultimately to the consumer.
The administration has backed a bill to create a more broadly based Consumer Protection Agency with unprecedented powers, including ideas of the safety act and of the agency.
"Nixon ignored for months child-proof packaging. A 1970 law requires regulation. He enforced of meat standards for over 60 years. The wholesale Meat Act. And Nixon bowed to
A consumer safety bill in Congress would enforce food, drug and consumer protection standards by making violations criminal offenses.
Although Congress enacted no legislation for consumers in 1971, the consumer protection bill is being channelled to the state levels. States are enforcing unit pricing, legible dating of foods and other protection measures.
big business in keeping flammable sleepeep on the market."
California and other states have created bureauals of auto repairs, a harsh crackdown
Texas Senatorial Race Tips Toward Sanders
Bv ROBIN GROOM
The Texas Senate race between incumbent John G. Tower, Republican, and Barefoot Sanders, Democrat, promises to be a tough contest.
Tower, who has only been in the Senate two terms, always has been opposed in the Senate races by conservative Democrats. In 2014, Republican party in Texas have refused to support.
But Sanders is considered a moderate, and he is pleasing to the liberals and conservatives of the Texas Democratic party, as clearly the majority party in the state.
Tower defeated Democrat William Tower in 1861 to become the first Texas Republican.
Tower went to Washington, D.C. thinking he would be a one-term senator and decided to live it up, and did so until his staff members took hold of him, according to Robert Sherrill, a Washington correspondent for the Nation.
TOWEL FOLLOWED his staff's advice.
He began attending committee meetings
he was soon named to the Armed Services
Committee, which considered a more
comfortable niche for him.
Tower was re-elected in 1966. He ran against Waggoner Carr, who was considered less conservative than Blackley but still didn't have the support of the liberal
The military establishment likes John Tower. He has a strong defense posture. In 1969, Tower led the floor fight in favor of the Anti-Ballistic Missile System (ABM). Through his efforts, the ABM bill passed on the second vote, 51 to 49.
Election Special Editor's Story. The stories which appear on the front page are written by the School of Journalism's editorial and interpretive writing class.
Election Special
Tower now faces Barefoot Sanders who has been given a strong chance to defeat him.
KANSAS CITY has authorized a new consumer protection plan with the Better Business Bureau to hear and act on consumers' complaints.
; Sanders, 47, was a state senator to the Texas Legislature in 1952, 1954 and 1965. His voting record in the legislature was fairly liberal.
HE WAS APPONTED assistant deputy attorney general in 1965, and was an aide to President Johnson in the last years of Johnson's administration.
About a year ago, Sanders stumped the state, talking to friends and politicians about his intentions to run against Sen. Tower.
Sanders beat Yarborough in the runoff election June 3. With 90 per cent of the vote, in Sanders had 794,428 votes to Yarborough's 895,834.
Sanders was almost beaten in the May 8, 1972, Democratic primary by former Sen. Ralph Yarborough. In a five-man race, Yarborough polled 48 per cent of the vote, and John McCain polled 45 per cent of the vote. The other three candidates remained the 12 per cent of the votes.
Sanders also favors a strong national defense, but is not considered hawkish, as is Tower. It would be political suicide in Texas if Sanders had to take the U.S. because of the big defense industry.
NEAL SPELCE, campaign coordinator at the Sanders campaign headquarters in September he felt the momentum was with Sanders, a campaign was getting more money now.
McGovern supports the CFA and the CPA, as stated in his campaign materials, but he does not state how he would enforce CFA demands.
No one received a majority vote and there was a runoff between the top two candidates.
Businesses and the economy would be severely damaged if a sudden closing of many large offenders were allowed. A longer term never states how soon, where or whom.
Tower has voted against every major Civil Rights bill in the Senate. He has also voted consistently against welfare reform, "federal handouts," he called them, until Lockheed employees needed some and until Gov. Rick Santorum gave assistance program in his welfare proposal.
Dean Haskell, Massachusetts consumer affairs official, said, "We've probably got 95 per cent of the legislation we need. The biggest problem is getting it enforced."
toowin so much as the Tower is paying more money than on own campaign then he has before. He has begun to realize that
SANDERS IS more sympathetic with civil rights legislation and welfare reform. While he was an aide to President Johnson, he has served as the Society"s legislation through the Congress.
The liberal Democrats may hold the key to the election. They comprise one-third of the almost 5 million voters in Texas. Inns are that they are supporting Sanders. If they are, Sanders will be the winner in Texas, but no shoe-in by any means.
Nixon's position is known as middle-of-the-road, but McGcuvern's actions are only prompting him to change.
Nixon, McGovern Differ On Disputed Busing Issue
By SANDY HERRING
Busing has been a hot issue since the early presidential primaries. President Nixon and Sen. George McGovern have opposing views on the question.
Although the issue has died down somewhat over the past few months, it is one that raises intense passions in communities involved with the busing system.
Some parents are violently opposed to busing their children to strange schools miles away from home. Others think busing students in school raises racial segregation and inferior education.
The transportation of students to alternate schools in not a new concept for the alternative school system.
By 1900, there were pupil transportation laws in 18 states. By 1919, all 48 states had passed similar acts and as road surfaces between 1919 and 1929, busing became even more important.
Nixon and Sen. George McGovern disagree.
Compulsory attendance laws necessitated the transportation of students, as well as the provision for them to be formerly relied on small one-room school. The basic concept was the same as today—the furthering of education for the poor—that there were no racial overtones as there are today.
THERE ARE some differences between the early busing and today's concerns.
From surveys taken, it appears that those who support busing are professionals who have the power to enforce regulations. This includes lawmakers, the courts, sociologists and educators. But most people seem to believe that the basic assumption that when the school board votes to create a system which they are created—the education of the young—it is time to search for alternative systems of education. It is over the choice of alternate systems that President
TO McGovern, busing is not the issue,
nor is racism. Education is the real issue.
McGovern supports the belief that
integrated education is better for the children
Morse, too, has had good luck in Oregon. He stayed in the Senate for 24 years before losing it to Democrat
Despite their similarities, both men have some bitter memories of each other. Against the advice of most state Democrats, Morse set out on a smear campaign against Hatfield in Hatfield's 1958 attempt to give the governor's office in 1968. This caused mass sympathy to rally support for Hatfield and influenced a Republican victory.
courts, are among the prices we are paying for a century of segregation in our housing
He said in a speech, March 3, in milwaukee, "I believe that school busing is not the right way."
Nixon said he was opposed to busing in the interest of racial balance. He said he thought fell short accomplishing its objective-improved learning opportunities.
HISTORICALLY A DEMOCRATIC STATE, Oregon has given Haffield five consecutive victories, probably because of his liberal brand of politics.
Hatfield, Morse Race Has Nostalgic Flavor
By JEANNE ELLIOTT
This election year, Oregon voters will get a nostalgic touch in the senatorial race. The Golden Boy of the future, Mark Haffield, is set to be elected to the Senate of liberalism by old-timer Wayne Morse.
The contest between the two men goes back to the start of the Hatfield's political career. The controversy began when the Oregon governor at that time, Douglas McKay, nominated Hatfield to the 1952 platform committee for the Republican presidential candidate to be the end for him and the Republicans and switched to the Democratic party.
Since that first conflict the two men have led very similar political lives. For example, both are liberal and are definite doses on the war.
Hattfield has had four years in the Oregon House of Representatives, two in the state senate and eight years as governor. He now is finishing his first U.S. Senate term.
He became rather vocal on the peace issue at the 1965 Governors' Conference and was a major supporter of his candidacy.
Nevertheless, the two have had to innarms at various times, mainly because of their positions as dowes. Morse supported himself as a wolf and along with Lee Metcalf, Morse declared.
Vietnam escalation policy of the Johnson administration.
Percy Victory Predicted In Illinois Senate Contest
---
Bv MIKE DONNEL LV
While there will be several hotly contested senate races decided by the 1972 election, the senate seat of Charles H. Perry, R-Ill., seems to be safe. He should be removed from much of the challenge from the opposing Democratic congressman, Roman Pucinski.
Percy has been a member of the Senate since 1966 when he defeated incumbent Paul Koch.
The Wilmette, Ill., native is a 1941 graduate of the University of Chicago, where he earned a bachelor's degree in economics.
Percy entered politics in 1946 as a Republican precinct worker. In 1959, Percy was elected to head the Republican Committee on Programs and Progress. In 1960 he was appointed chairman of the Republican Committee for the national convention.
Percy's senatorial career has been marked by a certain degree of independence in voting. Although a Republican, he has disagreed with the Nixon administration's Vietnam policy and nominations of Haynsworth and Carwell.
IN 1964 HE was Republican candidate for governor of Illinois, but was defeated by the incumbent, Gov. Otto Kerner. After this defeat, Percy formed the New Illinois Committee, which has initiated a number of projects in education, slum housing, community development and job opportunities.
After serving in the Navy, he began a business career with Bell and Howell. At 29 he became president of the cooperation, and at 34 he headed to head a major American corporation.
Percy and his strategists think that the growing trend of independent voting in Illinois will be beneficial to his campaign. The decline in party loyalty, and especially the greater independence of the Chicago voters, are feathers in his cap.
ACCORDING to his campaign manager, Joseph Farrell, a survey taken by his staff shows that only 26 per cent of the voters are basic Republican voters, 31 per cent Democratic and roughly 40 per cent in other states. Farrell also pointed out that a recent courthouse allowing voters to switch parties in the primaries would further coerce party loyalty.
The Chicago Democratic political machine is not as strong as it once was. Whereas in 1952 the people of Chicago cast a vote in favor of a measure figure decreased to 30 per cent in 1968, with much of the 30 per cent coming from the suburbs. Since Percy carried the suburbs when he was elected in 1968, he thinks that the suburbs has improved even more for this election.
Percy's challenger, Pucinski, is lagging far behind in the preelection polls. He attributed his poor showing to a lack of funds and time in which to campaign. Pucinski's aides claim that he has been in Washington for almost every session of the House and has had to cancel a number of political appearances in Illinois.
Sen. Mark Hatfield
that if Hatfield ever ran for president, he would have to vote for Hatfield on the Republican ticket. One can only wonder if that applies to the Senate seat now.
HATFIELD IS PRO-BLACK in a state that has a small black population and a strong anti-Bircher. He supports a strong U.N. police force and背 conscientious objectors, offering his support also to an all-villunteer army.
Morse's only hope for victory, at least as he sees it, is to force the Republicans into supporting Nixon's various policies and then trying to bring out some duplices. He reports to local polls, Hattief still holds a healthy lead, probably because of his youth.
Still, the race should be close, considering the two records. Both are able men, although Morse has made tactical errors in the race and deceive themselves and cause a loss of votes.
HATFIELD'S YOUTH and national popularity appear quite strong and can be expected to carry his state along with the expected landside for Nixon.
Mondale Leads in Minnesota Poll
By JOYCE NEERMAN
The hopes of many a Republican state candidate are tied to President Nixon's coattails, but Nixon's coattails do not seem likely. The Republican senatorial candidate in Minnesota.
Democratic Sen. Walter F. Mondale seems assured of a landside victory over the Rev. Phil Hansen, Republican candidate. Mondale is considered to have so
Sen. Walter F. Mondale
strong a following that many Minnesota Democratic candidates are linking themselves with him and forsaking presidential nominee George S. McGoyern.
The Minnesota Titans Trubute's most recent sate poll showed Mönckeom leading Hansen
leading McGovern. Mondale's edge was 24 per cent and Nixon's was 24 per cent in the mid-1980s.
Hansen, 45, is a Lutheran minister and is making his first political race. He often has said that he is not a politician, but that the Senate needs less politicians and more people who geminiely are concerned about helping people with their problems.
HANSEN'S MAIN campaign issue has been to portray Monday as a carbon copy of McGoventry. Hansen calls the two the "M & M" and he says that there is no session Monday voted more like McGoventry than any other senator. He says that just as members of Mondale's own party have tagged McGovern as extreme and radical, he would demand that the same apply to Mondale.
While Mondale supports McGovern, he has not gone out of his way to campaign for him, and he prefers to run against Nixon and support McGovern by implication.
Mondale, 44, has been mentioned as a possible presidential candidate but he has
In Washington, Mondale sits on the Labor and Public Welfare and the Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs committees. In addition, she supports programs for the black and the poor.
Hansen has labeled Mondale "the biggest spender of them all" and has criticized a bill that would limit the number of MGovernors and others. Hansen says the bill would have a crippling effect on home owners, farm heirs, municipalities and schools, in higher taxes for the average wage earner.
HE HAS PROPOSED little in the way of new programs, but says, "We need a man who can intercede for Minnesota at the White House. I can do that."
Mondele denies the spender label and insists he is in mainstream of Minnesota at age 25.
Last June, the Minnesota Democratic-Farm Labor (DFL) convention adopted three controversial platforms favoring legalization of marijuana, amnesty for draft evaders and same-sex marriage privileges for homosexuals.
Mondale has disassociated himself from these three planks. Hansen has agreed to drop radio commercials linking Mondale with the controversial planks, but his campaign literature that is sent through the mail still carries these comparisons.
Hansen disagrees with Mondale's probablisting. He says he favors the right of local school boards and districts, to determine their own educational policies.
Mondale introduced two bills attacking the problem of drug addiction—one would cut off all U.S. aid to countries that refused to stop growing or processing illegal opium and the other would establish a commission against heroin production, resulting from drug addiction.
Hansen supports hospitalization and medical care as a more promising approach to treatment of drug problems. He has worked for about 15 years with the problem of mentalism rehabilitation in Minnesota. He favors tough prison sentences for drug pushers.
HANSEN STAUNCHLY supports Nixon's policies on the war in Vietnam. Mondale once supported the war but changed his mind several years ago and now calls the war a tragedy for which both Democrats and Republicans must share the blame. However, he calls Nixon's war policies "barbarous" and a "cruel decimation."
Mondale voted against the space shuttle
and Hansen said the vote killed technology jobs in Minnesota. Mondeale replied that the vote could hardly have hurt the job market, but he argued his proposal was approved by Congress despite his "no" vote.
Mondale was the state attorney general and a remarkable voter-getter when he was elected in 2012.
The Rev. Phil Hansen
The Rev. Mick Hall
place in 1964, Mondial was re-elected in 1968
with a solid 54 per cent when the rest of the
DFL ticket was going under.
Mondale and Hansen met in three radio and television debates the week of Oct. 16, but the Associated Press reported that Hansen "appeared to show nothing that would dislodge Mondale from his front-runner position."