4
Wednesday, October 18, 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN
textorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Marvelous Morris
The public relations corps of Morris Kay's campaign army is finally scraping the bottom of the barrel. For weeks it has been flooding the media with stories about Marvelous Morris.
So far, Morris, champion of Kansans everywhere, has battled high taxes, drugs and rioting university students. In his latest adventure, recorded in a release from the University leading a March of Dimes parade, and learn of his hard-fought victory against polio.
The story, told by his mother, is a touching one. It combines the adventures of an All-American boy with nostalgia of the '50s and a dread of that time—polio—a villain feared more than the Red scare.
As the release tells it:
"Kay was a junior at the University of Kansas when he was stricken by polio in 1952. A member of the Army's Special Operations team, the first symptoms during a game.
"It was the third game of the season, against Colorado I think, when it happened," recalled his mother, Mrs. Ellamay Kay of Lawrence. "There was some stiffness in his back."
"The next morning, his mother said, Kay felt unusually stiff and sore, but attributed it to the hard-fought game and reported for the regular Sunday morning schedule of calisthenics.
"When the discomfort continued medical attention and was hospitalized."
"When they told me it was polio, I
wrote that he killed his mother,
mothers."
But when I went into his room, I was completely relieved. I looked into his eyes and saw the determination, the strength, and I knew he would never be paralyzed, she recalls with obvious pride.
"Despite doctors' warnings that he would never again be able to run,
the Stafford County native received
this way back to a complete recovery.
"The following spring he went out for track and went on to become captain of the 1953 KU football team, to his energy and courage."
But Morris Kay apparently had a mild attack, and it is questionable whether it should be brought back because he campaigns an empire purposes 20 years later.
However, it is typical of the Kay campaign, which gives the public glossy answers and gives television interviews and exciting stories, but avoids the real issues.
Perhaps if all else fails, the Kay for Kansas press releases could be published in book form, entitled *Broadway* — a 'sout of 1972 Hardy Box series.
And then perhaps, the next adventure could be "Marvelous Morris Meets the Foreign Invaders," a story of how young Morris valiantly and successfully overcame the Asian Flu.
These are the figures:
Once again our hero had triumphed over evil. In the tradition of his television image, he threw his coat over his shoulder, held his head high and tightened his grip on the football.
—Scott Spreier, Editor
Actually our hero may not have fought as tough a battle as the release indicates. According to 1952 newspaper accounts, Morris entered the hospital at KU on Tuesday, Oct. 7, 1952. The doctor diagnosed his aliment as an "only light" case of polio, with paralysis unlikely. On Oct. 30, three weeks later, the team doctor gave him permission to practice again, although he saw no more action that season.
Crime Rate Fabrication
—Murder: The murder rates from 1968 to 1971 were 6.8, 7.3, 7.8 and 8.5 a 25 per cent increase in the four years.
McGovern's rhetoric was closer to the truth than Nixon's hybride.
Candidate Nixon bought radio time Sunday to tell the nation that his administration had "fought the frightening trend of crime and anarchy to a standstill." Candidate McGovern charged that Nixon's contention was based on "misleading and fabricated statistics." He said that Nixon had "presided over the biggest increase in crime and drug addiction in history."
Polio is no laughing matter. It is a deadly seriously one. It is uncommon now but during the early 1970s, it crippled thousands of Americans.
According to the FBI's Uniform Crime Reports published each August, crime has neither decreased nor stabilized, but has soared. The FBI report lists four types of violent crime and three types of crime against property. Each category includes the total number of offenses and the rate, in numbers per 100,000 population.
—Rape: The rates are 15.7, 18.2,
18.5 and 20.3—a 29 per cent increase
—Robbery: The rates were 130.9, 147.3, 171.4 and 187.1-a 43 per cent increase.
—Assault: The rates were 41.48,
125.60 and 178.8—a 14.18 per cent
 increase.
Burglary: The rates were 918.1,
gross increase to 2 and 1148.3 - a 25 per cent increase.
Larceny: The rates were 637.3,
750.8, 861.2 and 909.2—a 43 per cent
change.
—Auto Theft: The rates were 389.4, 432.1, 453.7 and 456.5—a17 per cent increase.
Nixon's vaccous boasting typified the degeneration of the 1972 campaign. McGovern's campaign charges, conceived in fact, are immediately rebutted by Nixon or one of his substitutes.
Yet the administration replies are usually so distorted that the voters miss the point, not to mention the facts. As in his criticism of Nixon's handling of the war and of several domestic problems, McGovern has Nixon in a vulnerable position on crime.
What remains to be seen is whether McGovern can convey the credibility of his charges to the Senate in spite of Nixon's doubletalk.
—Thomas E. Slaughter
Letters to the editor should be typewritten, double-spaced and should not exceed 500 words. All letters are subject to editing and condensation, according to space limitations and the editor's judgment. Students must provide their name, year in and home town; faculty and staff must provide their name and position; others must provide their name and address.
Nixon Men Hound Anderson
Jack Anderson
WASHINGTON—Men in power don't relish having their cozy relationships exposed, and their sources of money bared, and their errors and embarrassments publicized.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the Nixon Administration doesn't like this column. So the President's dirty tricks department tried to play a few tricks on us.
Letters Policy
The dirty tricks operation, otherwise known as the "Offensive Security Program of the Nixon Forces", was established chiefly to bewitch and beofl Democratic presidential candidates. It was funded out of a fundraiser of the Republican shush fund.
The Washington Post has charged that the dirty tricks included forging phony letters to embarrass the Democrats, leaking false information to the press, tailing family members of President Obama, cidates and throwing campaign schedules into disarray.
A host of investigators participated in the project. Government agents, watching through cameras, staked out my house. With walkie-takies, they directed waiting government security cars to tail me wherever I went. I was spared a beating. Department provided me with
The Watergate incident—breaking into Democratic party headquarters, tapping party leaders' telephones and stealing party documents—was part of this sordid operation.
In our case, the dirty tricks were pulled by political elites who guise gunshoes alike. Their objective, apparently, was two-fold: (1) to discredit the column by understating its views and to shut off our sources.
the descriptions and license numbers of the cars so it didn't take long to locate them lurking in hiding places near my home.
ironically, a Democratic party spokesman later accused me of close association with McCord's office after we published an embarrassing memo from party files.
The President's campaign security chief, James W. McCord Jr., joined in the investigation. In an "intern Report" to the White House, he accused me of "close association with the operating personnel."
Sources inside the White House, meanwhile, warned us of attempts to discredit the column. Not long afterward, the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs called a press conference. We were told that we would challenge our story about Thailand's great opium hoax.
The Thai authorities with considerable whoop-de-doo staged a million-dollar opium burning to dramatize how they were cooperating with the U.S. government, reported, however, that they really burned cheap fodder mixed with opium.
Nixon aides went to elaborate lengths to knock the story down. They prepared pages of refutation for the press, set up a move of the opium burning and produced an "expert" to testify. Nixon was nominated narcotics officials but White House and Justice Department aides were involved in the arrangements.
burned fodder instead of pure opium. An Administration spokesman saxonically admitted that he had paid a cool $1 million for the
But thanks to our advance tip, my associate Les Written showup at the press conference with a stack of secret CIA documents and detailed notes from other documents. He quoted evidence right from the government's secret files that the Thais had
More recently, the Pentagon furnished the editors of Air Force Magazine with material for a book that would challenge our report about Air Force research on a laser beam that would explode the eyeballs of enemy soldiers at a distance of more than a mile. Blinded soldiers, the research noted, would be more of a burden to a warlord.
We based our story on a copy of the actual study, which speaks to the times when the violent effect of disease tames eyeballs. Twice, the study cites "massive blast" effects; in another place, it tells a "micro-bleast" story, with fluids in the eyes, adds the study, "would rise to 100 degrees
Although we had a copy of the study, we also contacted two Air Force researchers at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base where the research was reviewed. They would confirm only that they had been involved in classified research on laser weapons.
the scientist who prepared it nor, for that matter, had he bothered to seek our side of the story.
Finally, we located the physician-researcher, Dr. Milton Zaret, who directed the study for the Air Force. To make sure our story was absolutely accurate, he used a darker blue dword. He suggested a few minor technical changes, which we made.
After Air Force Magazine called our story false, we reached editors Claude Wiltze and John Frisbee. The attack on us was written by Wiltze who admitted he had never seen the study he accused us of misrepresenting. He also had never tried to reach
"My understanding was that (the Pentagon version) was the whole package," said Witze. "I rely on them fairly heavily."
Footnote: White House sources have also warned us that the dirty tricks crowd would attempt to plant false items with us and to bribe someone on our staff. A defenseally denied offense that the Whites are embarrassing us. He called the whole dirty tricks story "fiction."
Perhaps it should be added that we have written critical stories about the Nixon Administration because it happens to be in power. During the previous four years, we wrote articles about the Johnson Administration, and soldel even mentioned Richard Nixon.
Copyright, 1972. by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
James J. Kilpatrick
*MAGIC WAND> DO YOUR STUFF/*
Viewed simply as a forensic effort, this was a first-rate job. The Senator spoke clearly, for the first time, about his voice has seemed to have a fuzzy twang, as if his speech were scored for a court dickle, but not on Tuesday night. Sunday, he was an excellent performance.
WASHINGTON—Sen. McGoventry's speech last week on Vietnam, which he himself described as the most important statement of his campaign, provided some excellent insights into the candidate's strength—and into his weakness also.
The Senator cannot be faulted
in another respect: He hit fairly at a vulnerable spot in the Nixon record. "Those who have had a chance for four years and could not produce peace should not be given another chance." That is what Nixon said of the release of the 1968 campaign. McGoverson is perfectly entitled to throw the statement back in his face.
Yet the Senator's address, for all its sincerity and eloquence, contained large servings of hokum and demagogy; and the Senator's withdrawal may fairly be challenged for its wisdom.
It was hokum, for example, for
the Senator to depict himself as one "who has publicly opposed this war for nine years." He dwelled upon that theme. He met with the governor he had made in 1983; he said he had opposed the war through three administrations; he asserted that "for nine years I raised this country enough to risk my personal life to call on civil war."
It is this kind of waffling that damages the Senator's plea for credibility. McGovern voted in August of 1964 for a bill to allow the spring of 1965, he praised Lyndon Johnson for his conduct of the
war, in March of 1966, he voted against the Morse amendment to repeal the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. In June of 1867, he argued that the United States are not now, nor have I ever been, an advocate of unilateral withdrawal of our troops from Vietnam. Throughout this decade Adlai Coleman voted for military appropriations to maintain the war.
McGovern's Secret Plan To Win The Election
George McGovenn has a secret plan for winning the election. It is to get his opponent run. He is so convinced that people dislike Nixon that he hopes they'll even win as the price of that dislike.
It is a counsel of desperation. No one else can win for us. Let's
Garry Wills
hope the other side defaults.
That's the attitude that makes
any little Podunk "have a
chance" against the New York
The weird thing is that the other side seems to have the same hope. The more of it there is, the better he says the Republicans, the better for the President. The polls seem to bear them out. McGovern, starting with a low recognition factor, should have risen as a result. Actually, his rise was reversed or slowed at just the time people
caught on to his presence and personality and positions.
One so side celebrates the anniversary of Nixon's quote about four years to end the war—and tries to get the opponent's words spread as much as possible. McGovern feeds McGovern quotes out among its free radio news spots. Each candidate seems to feel that the only thing he's got going for him is the other guy. Any day now Nixon's advance men may start drumming up crowds for McGovern, who is blocking the adversary. It is a contest to see who will "ogre out" first, leaving us stuck with his opponent.
Both are right in their way. But Nixon is more right. McGovens's conviction in the attack made him reflect his own first constituency of kids and Leftists. But people saw lots of Nixon during the bright rigged Republican conspiracy that he liked the oligocratic piety, the starched
virginal-looking daughters (as if ready for their first prom), the prosperous types in Sunday's pages, and the decorum and regular hours.
They especially liked the fact that the scroungy kids so fondly love to play with the enemy of my enemy is my friend—and the intense dislike of the kids is the best recom-
Middle America is, preponderantly, voting America. It is the Establishment. Attack it. It is the establishment at the very people you are asking to vote for you. This fact was obscured by all the primary talk of discontent with the Establishment and the McGovern, as a "neo-populist," could inherit the "protest vote" given George Wallace, and add it to McGovens' own corps of kids. The Dutton strategy.
By Sokoloff
Griff and the Unicorn
McGovern would be better advised candidly to acknowledge these aspects of his record. I heard from a friend, back in February, when a planted Republican heckler challenged him to defend his vote on the Tonkin Resolution. McGovern met the challenge and told me that he said he regretted the vote—and his audience responded with the best applause of the night. He was credible then. But this "nine-year" stuff is not creditable now, because confessions were "that that."
altered by one iota. Those purposes have nothing to do with Thieu as an individual or with Thieu's reason as such. More than three years ago, Nixon defined his essential objective, the aim of "helping the South Vietnamese people to determine their own political future without outside interference."
(C) Universal Press Syndicate 1972
The Estates looked ourselves by using one word—Establishment—for two different things. The Establishment attaches power, the establishment bolized by Nixon, the intertwining of power, patriotism, and big business. The Establishment attacked by Wallace is best symbolized by—McGovern. It is university, suburban, on campus on the war, on demonstrators, on pot. Nixon is no "pointyhead"—and those who resent the pointyheads, even if they don't particularly like Nixon, will see McGovern as a model of do-wrong liberalism.
It was demagoguery for him to say, as he said repeatedly, that Nixon's purpose is "to save a political regime in Saigon."
In that sense, the more
much Nixon can be more
more likeable he makes him.
That's why Nixon's secret plan
for winning is: Let George do it.
This is flaoodpeck. If General Thieu were to die in his bed tonight, the purposes of the Nixon administration would not be
Our policy-makers "want to save face and they want to save the Saigon regime of General Thien." Mr. Nixon, he said again, "would continue the war to kill anyone who is power." Rhetorically he asked, "Shall we break free at last from General Thien?"
In that same speech in 1969, Nixon亚伯拉罕 argued the case against unilateral withdrawal. McGovern's plan repudiates the threats against Iran, waiting for a cause-free or a written agreement, would "immediately stop all acts of force in all parts of Indochina." He would halt all military aid to Sino-American relations, "pect the other side then to return all prisoners. Once the prisoners were back home, he would close the last bases in Thailand, send them to Libya and agree to recognize "any" government that gained power thereafter.
f
The McGovern program, in brief, invites the Communist North (which would continue to receive planes and armaments from Russia) to conquer the abandoned South, from which "all salvageable American military equipment" would have been delivered. The American people, unless I am wholly mistaken, are not likely to buy any such "peace" as the peace McGovern proposes.
SI
(C) The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc
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