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Wednesday, October 11, 1972
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN
Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Ending The War
George McGovern presented his Vietnam proposals on nationwide television Tuesday evening. At the same time, Henry Kissinger, a foreign negotiator, was meeting with Le Duc Tho, Hanl's man in Paris.
The McGovern plan, the outlines of which had been known for some time, was thus put out in the open—codified into a single statement for which McGovern could be held accountable.
Yet the Nixon "plan" is still a mystery, a McGovern reminded his audience and, in fact, it may not exist at all. McGovern hinted that, if we were re-elected, the war would continue, perhooks indefinitely.
Because Nixon and Kissinger remain so inscrutable about their "plan," the public is left to make a choice between Nixon's possible fiction and McGovern's public pledge.
Now, if we were taking bets on
who would get us out of the war, the safe money would have to be on McGovern. Bets would be placed, mind you, after consideration of the candidates' records and of what has made public about their intentions.
Reducing the Vietnam tragedy to this callous level proves one thing—for America, it is not simply a matter of ending the war. We entertain some fogy notions—intellectual excuses—about ending the war. Probably the most significant, and frightening, is the loss of life. We reason, while Nixon applauds, that our honorable solution entails reducing tiny Vietnam to a heap of rubble. Then, some day, we can leave with our heads held high. Never having lost a fight, we will not lose one now.
And in the end, who in the world will stand with us and say it was an honorable thing to rage in the wind, or another an honor that escaped us long ago?
—Thomas E. Slaughter
An American Bird
That jet airplane that has been billed by the Air Force as "the beast in the air" is a weather attack plane it's back in action in the skies over Southeast Asia.
Last week the Pentagon announced that two squadrons of the controversial F111A fighterbombers were once again flying combat missions after an absence of four years.
Although jet pilots are a brave breed of humans, those who ride the silver birds with the swinging wings filled with extra portions of courage.
The F111 has undoubtedly the worst flying record of all modern planes. It is attracted by gravity as a moth is attracted by light.
Since the initial testing of the $15 million jets began in the mid-'60s, a large number of the planes have crashed. In 1988, six of the fighters to combat testing. After 35 missions they were withdrawn—three had crashed.
Back in action last week, another mysteriously vanished while on its first combat mission. As usual, the reluctant to give out any information.
The planes have been shrouded in controversy since their conception. First, there was the question of whether such a complicated weapon
was really necessary. Then there were financial problems—the plane was an early example of Pentagon aircraft and there were the mechanical problems.
Admittedly, the plane is a scientific marvel. It can fly very high, very low, very fast or very slow. On the darkest night or in the worst weather it can zip along the treetops, at speeds faster than sound, guided completely by computers.
But the plane has its problems. It has been condemned by antiwar critics, Congress and aircraft experts. But no matter how good or bad it is, the F111 is symbolic of the American role in Southeast Asia.
The plane is as American as the Bald Eagle. (It's also as close to extinction as is the national bird.) Like most American products, it's cheap but complex, full of gadgets and works only half of the time.
Like America the F111 refuses to
like. The odds are against it, the
public is against it, even the laws of
nature are against it. But, like
nature to pull out, to bend to defeat. It would rather continue its killing.
It is a proud bird with a tarnished tail.
Scott Spreier, Editor
AP News Analysis
Mao's Successor Uncertain
By WILLIAM L. RYAN
A spate of reports on who may succeed to Mao Tse-tung's power leaves the waters muddied and raises the possibility that the Peking leadership wants it that way.
Oddly, all the reports could be correct to some extent. Two of the reports are, in fact, differing versions of what Premier Chou En-lai said to a group of visiting American editors.
One has Chou predicting a collective leadership after Mao, now nearing 79, passes from the presidency to a same interview, has Chou indicating the likely successor to be Yao Wen-yuan, a youngish cult leader who whose cultism will launch the 1966- culture revolution.
to Mao's power. But since Chou is 74, this speculation is projected beyond him. It names Yao and another Poliburo member from the Communist party who are probable successors not to Mao but to Chu. Chang is, in fact, Yao's superior on the revolutionary committee that was put in the Communist world wored often outrank the top men.
Moscow repeatedly presents the idea that the question of succession in Peking is clouded by a continuing and deep split in the top leadership that likely will leave Mao's China unchanged. This view is held by a number of Western China watchers as well.
Yet another report, this from Shanghai, says speculation there is that Chou himself will succeed
If a collective emerged there is a good chance that eventually it would go the way of "collectives" in other Communist-rulied utterances. Joseph Stalin died the Soviet Union after Communists edibily following suit—proclaimed a collective arrangement. It seemed a clumsy arrangement for a dictatorship, and before long Nikita Khrushchev decollecteditized it. After he "collective" emerged, but later it "collective" boss seems a good deal more equal than his supposed equals.
been purposely clouding the picture.
Guessing about the future of the Chinese leadership is a perilous occupation in any event. There is a certain logic in all these prognostications, but it would be no surprise if Chou has
The way matters look from a distance, Chou is at present the single most powerful man in the world. He will probably he wield well force after Mao, but it could be that Chou, the diplomat and fence-cutter, arrange to have the successful arrangement take on the look of a collective.
WASHINGTON—For the special interests, campaign time is payoff time. They're expected to show their appreciation for political efforts by contributing to the right campaigns.
Jack Anderson
Most pressure groups play all the sides and all the angles of the federal triangle. Some of the same fat cats who have donated to the Republics to re-elect Nixon, for example, have also laid out cash for powerful Democrats on Capitol Hill.
Fat Cats Back Sparkman
Consider the huge campaign kitty that the bankers and builders have raised for Sen. John Sparkman, D-Ala. Most of them are stunny, money-in-the-bank Republicans. Yet their contributions to Sparkman, since he was the Senate race winner this year, can help the Democrats keep control of the Senate.
Now the fat cats are showing John Sparkman they care. In an earlier column, we reported that 70 per cent of Sparkman's campaign money, as of September 12, had come from the campaign that looks to him for legislative favors. Here are more details:
The kindly, courtly Sparkman, who began politics as a populist, this year promoted an anarchic movement to write written word-for-word by the American Bankers Association. He also delayed efforts to reform the scandalous multimillionaire real estate settlement costs.
The bankers' campaign arm, known formally as the National Banking Political Action Committee, gave him $1,500. Senator Margaret Chase Smith, R-Me, more scrupulous about where her former farm, turned down a $3,000 offer from the same source.
The Mortgage Banks Political Action Committee gave Sparkman at least $2,000. The same amount was collected for the Merrill Lynch Association, a association, a political affiliate of the Merrill, Lynch, Pierce;
A sampling of other out-of-state financial backers include the Savings Association Public Affairs Committee of Lansing, Mich., $500; the Savings Association Political Elections Committee, Washington, D.C., Savings Bankers Association No partisan Bank Committee, New York City, $1,000; and even the little Kansas Bank Political Action Committee, $100.
But much of the money came from individual fat cats. Donations were recorded from financial figures from New York City to Los Angeles, from St. Louis to New York, and list of building entrepreneurs, who contributed to the Sparkman campaign, runs for pages. In
California alone, there were $1,000 donations from Beverly Hills builder Lawrence Weinberg. Hayward contractor J. David LeBoeau, construction man Los Angeles, and San Diego builder R. A. Walez.
There was even a contribution from Mills B. Lane, who was listed simply as a businessman." But actually, he supported the Citizens and Southern National Bank of Atlanta, a bank used by Sparkman's opponent, Winton "Red Blum".
were a cross section representing about 65 per cent of the American economy. The senator's handling of legislation, said the spokesman, was based on merit, not contributions.
Thousands of dollars reported by contributors, incidentally, weren't mentioned in Spark. He also added a new federal law. His office explained that administrative delays had made some of his work more difficult, a spokesman added that the industry had raised money for Snurkman
Chinese Advertising
With the Chinese-American honeymoon in full flower, a city of Chinese wine is beginning to take its way into the United States.
An initial tasting of the Stahung wine indicates it is more of a threat to the Food and Beverage industry, be to the American wine market.
promoting the brain and recovering the memory; strengthening the organs and systems of generations."
The bitter, spiced wine - if so in the United States—would violate every act on the FDA books against fraudulent advertising of curatives. The label, designed for the English-speaking market, gives this description of its virtues:
The wine is supposed to be good for "general weakness, untimely senility, kidney trouble, neurasthenia, sores in waists and ankles, burdens of the brain, anemia, disease or poor memory, involuntary perspiration, insomnia, pale faces, poor apetites."
Whatever else, the Chinese have to be respected for trying to develop a mass market as fast as possible for the "Most Precious Three-Whip Tonic Wine," as it is labeled. "May be taken at your patient's capacity for wine" or "patient's label, a hard-sell that would even make an American whiskey blanch.
'Nutritious and roborant;
Copyright, 1972.
by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
If there was a plan to end the
Readers Respond
Plan, Pollution.
To the Editor:
Regardless of whether Nixon had a plan or not, it is useful in retrospect to examine the actual trend of occurrences in Southeast Asia in the last four years. American ground combat troops have suffered from increased tonnage has increased, air and naval support has increased, combat area has increased, the number of military and civilian casualties has increased, the number of refugees has increased, and the number of DWI cases has increased. If there were a slight increase,
While campaigning for the presidency on March 5, 1968, Nixon promised: "If in November this war is not over after all of this power has been at their (the Johnson Administration's) disposal, then I that the American people will be justified in leadership. And I pledge to you the new leadership will end the war and win the peace in the Pacific."
I believe that I can shed some light on the source of the phrase "Nixon's secret plan to end the war" which has created some controversy on both the national campus political scenes of late.
It is reasonable to speculate that after hearing this, many people assumed Nixon had a plan to accomplish his goal of winning the peace, although it's possible indeed that he had no plan.
Since, however, no one knew exactly what his plan was, it must have been secret. Hence, his secret plan to end the war."
war it still is secret and I believe that Nixon's own campaign statement of Oct. 9, 1968 is applicable to the present situation: "Those who have had a chance for four years and could not produce peace should not be given another chance."
Byron Edmondson Lawrence Senior
Ladies and Gentlemen;
If we do not anything about our environment soon, the human race, as we know it, will have grown rapidly from the face of the earth.
If you do not know the problems of our environment, read about it and "get involved" Do not be like many people and complain with your friends. Write congressmen and senators with conviction but not force.
I am writing this letter in the hope that something can be done about our environment before it is too late. I am protesting particularly the use of food additives in processed foods and pollution from business industries and automobile exhausts and cigarette smoking. All three have contributed immensely to undermining our health. These three dangers also have been proven to cause cancer. Cancer is a serious and frightening and insidious diseases ever experienced by man.
Anybody interested can write me. I hope that this letter can be printed in the school newspaper in the hope that interest can rise again in the battle for a cleaner environment.
Ross J. Bernstein
1327 W. Wingohocking St.
Philadelphia, Pa., 19140
Letters Policy
Letters to the editor should be typewritten, double-spaced and should not exceed 500 words. All letters are subject to editing and condensation, according to space limitations and the editor's judgment. Students must provide their name, year in school and home town; faculty and staff must provide their name and position; others must provide their name and address.
Editorials, columns and letters on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
2. Knowing = The David Kernan
Any chance for the runoff?
Griff and the Unicorn
By Sokoloff
© Universal Press Syndicate 1972
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Published at the University of Kentucky during the academic year 2014, except where indicated. The authors declare no financial interests to obtain any materials or services. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike license, which permits unrestricted use, publication, and reproduction in whole or part, provided that the original author is credited. Original contributions are appreciated.
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