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Tuesday, October 10, 1972
University Daily Kansan
Curious Inconsistency
There is a curious inconsistency in America's attitude toward war. Last Tuesday it was announced that President Nixon finally had completed an agreement with the Russians to limit their ability to defend the goal which Nixon said was to "lift the burden of fear of war from all the people of the world." Nixon and his advisors deserve praise for this diplomatic achievement. Unfortunately, Monday's papers and some Tuesday morning papers carried the same message: The president $74 billion for defense. This is the largest amount of money allocated for defense since World War II.
Although the Senate defeated an amendment which would have forbidden the use of the money for any bombing in Indochina, it did encourage the President to end the war by approving an amendment to adopt the end-the-war spirit of a bill passed in 1971.
It is ridiculous that the Senate allocated the money to continue the war and yet asked the President to end the war. It is hard for me to understand how the President can claim victory of war when he requests about $79 billion to maintain a defense system, much of it in Vietnam.
I am afraid that I have been somewhat blinded to the significance of the nuclear arms limitation agreement between this country and Iran, Communists. The reality of the war in Vietnam makes me more aware
of the present situation. I suppose we are fortunate that our President fully recognized the danger of unlimited production of nuclear arms and was willing to work with the Russians to set up an agreement which would lessen that danger. Of course, we were also lucky that the Russians were willing to work with Nixon in this endeavor.
Now that prospects for the future appear to be a little better I hope Nixon and those responsible for allocating money will make the present situation better by ending the war in Vietnam. The large number of casualties allocated make it hard to believe that the war really is winding down.
Actions taken by President Thieu have made it increasingly difficult to seriously claim that the war is being carried on for the cause of democracy. He has closed down newspapers and universities that have been sources of dissent. He has also elected officials from village offices and replace them with his appointees.
Just as lip service is the tribute being paid to democracy in South Vietnam, the Senate is not giving much more respect to sentiments for ending the Vietnam war. Nixon's signing of the arms limitation agreement indicates that the government does not want war in the future. I wish the government would be a little clearer in expressing its sentiments toward war in the present.
Mary Ward
Out of His League
A friend told me of a dinner conversation he recently had with a prominent Republican senator. The topic was George McGovern.
The senator, although a Republican, is a good friend of the McGovern. The senator and McGovern together have sponsored and supported many anti-war and anti-Nixon administration bills in the past four years. The Republican senator's support of the anti-war measures has not endeared him to the White House. It has, however, challenged his position in judge candidate McGovern with a credibility rare to most other Senate Republicans during this election year. What he said of McGovern sounded to me both judicious and perceptive.
The senator said McGovern was playing a game out of his league. He may be right. McGovern is running for the presidency against a man who had prepared himself for the office from the first day he was elected to Congress. Nixon was learning the words of "Hail to the Chief" when McGovern was learning the words of the South Dakota state song. One wanted to be President while the other wanted to be a good senator. Both have succeeded.
The belief that McGovern may be playing out of his league might explain some of the harsh difficulties that have beset his campaign. The Eagleton affair and the prolonged search for a replacement, the failure to generate support among party regulars and money men, and the sometimes apparent lack of staff direction are all problems that have originated with the candidate, McGovern. He has tried to put together in one year what others have spent a lifetime
"George McGovern," Bobby Kennedy once said, "is the most sincere man in the United States Senate."
building. It's no wonder that his candidacy has produced and destroyed political precedent.
Perhaps history will show that McGovern's sincerity was also his downfall. Sincerity has contributed to the contradictions that have marked his campaign in the months since the convention. Running for the nomination was one thing. Running for the Presidency against Nixon, a professional incumbent, is another thing entirely. He and his team had been like a bridge the Gallup gap that separates senators from good Presidential candidates. George McGovern probably knows why, better than his advisors. They are paid to ignore things like that.
As Lord Acton said, "Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely." If politics is power, then the Presidency is the absolute power in American politics. And McGovern may seem at times corrupt, but he is probably not corrupteible enough. He is, as the Republican senator suggested, simply out of his league in trying to compete with Nixon.
—Mark Bedner
James J. Kilpatrick
Powell Memo Causes Furor
EDITORS NOTE: The Anderson column Kilpatrick mentions appeared in the Monday Kansas editorial page.
WASHINGTON — The saying goes, straight out of Shakespeare, that sweet are the adversity. Here in Washington, Jack Anderson ranks high on the adversity scale, but Anderson's recent attack on Supreme Court Justice Lowe F. Powell is into a struggle of good fortune in nation's business community.
The story goes back to the summer of 1971, when Powell was simply Citizen Powell, a highly respected corporation lawyer in Richmond, Va. He lunched with an old friend, Eden B. Sydnor, B.syndor, of New York, and the education committee of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
Sydnor was to meet in a few days with Arch Booth and other executives of the U.S. Chamber. He asked Powell to let him have a meeting with the CEO of discussion of certain steps that might be taken by American business in defense of the enterprise system. Powell was told by the CEO that he over the weekend, and in his usual methodical way, put together a neatly footnoted 30-page memorandum. On Monday, August 23, he gave the paper to Arch Booth on to Washington the next day.
Two months later, on October
21. President尼克斯 nominated Powell for the Supreme Court. Now, nearly a year later, the memorandum to Sydnor has surfaced: Someone sent a copy to Jack Anderson; and Anderson, in his usual side way, gave it an aminder reading. Powell's views appear to be more supportive that the memorandum "raises a question about Powell's fitness to decide any case involving business interests."
For the record, Anderson never raised any such question about the fitness of Thurgood Marshall, as to integration, or about Arthur Goldberg, as to labor--but no doubt attack on Powell has been given to give the memorandum publicity it never could have achieved in any other way. Businessmen are besieging the Chamber with requests for copies of the text. Anderson, something may come of Powell's year-old recommendations after all.
These recommendations are nothing sensational, but they make great good sense. Powell's book, *The Economic System under a broad attack*, not merely from a handful of extremists but more from the general public, respectable elements of society—from the college campus, the palpit, the media, the intellectual and literary journals, the arts, and the law—and from politicians." The statement is undeniably true.
Paradoxically, Powell noted, the business community often tolerates and even participates in its own destruction: the businessmen contribute to foundations that support anti-business, and they support universities dominated by intellectuals who wage war against the enterprise system. Meanwhile, the media glorify such groups as Nader, and business executives do little but wrinkle their hands.
Writing as a private citizen with long experience in both business and education, Powell offered a string of recommendations. The first essential, he said, is for businessmen "to confront this problem as a primary responsibility of corporate management." Large businesses point a vice president for survival. The U.S. Chamber, for its part, should take the offensive.
Because the campus is "the single most dynamic force" against the enterprise system, students should be a better balance on college faculties. Highly qualified independent scholars should be asked to review key textbooks, use online resources and business bias. Powell suggested that the TV networks be monitored; when their depletion of business is unfair or inaccurate, strong complaints should be made. They are arena, and through the courts, businessmen should follow the
activist example of their foes:
Get in the act!
It is a disservice to Powell thus to condense his memorandum. The paper is a superficie piece the student should understand ought to be read in full —read and
taken to heart. This was the work of Private Citizen Powell back in Richmond, but, Mr. Justice said, it would be better opinions on the Court.
(C) The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
Garry Wills
McGovern, Press at Odds
McGovern's critics think he is too negative, telling us only what's wrong with the country—doesn't he love it? He seeks out exceptional evils, neglecting the ones that don't even "evenhanded"—he talks of our atrocities in Vietnam, but, not about the other sides.
In all these charges, his critics miss the point. McGovin loves America, but true love is wide awake and critical—just think of a wife's for her husband. Elec-
tricism is the way to self-criticism, not self-
congratulation, if improvement is to be made. And McGovin talks about our atrocities because they are the ones we can do about (and that are doing something to us as a people).
The odd thing is that McGovern is now parroting his own critics.
He says the press is too negative about him, fastening on mistakes and not praising what is good about his candidacy. It reports one mistake and lets ten good ideas go unnoticed. It is not a bad idea it did. Nixon every time it slams him (spreading, as it were, the equal time rule over from television into print).
There is something very petulant about this—as there usually is in the demand that the normal and "positive" be treated, and you should neglect the exception—Mark Spitz breaking a record, say—and "report" that Johnny Jones learned to dog paddle on a given day. Agnew used to say we were an administration building on campus, when most students were attending class.
Much of McGovener's activity is standard campaign noise-making—"Happy to be in Nebraska again," he for jobs in the city. But when Mr. Spitz about him has been the effort of hedging on earlier stands, trucking to "deleted" regulars, and trying to get his stories out in the press, he and he is setting some Mark Spizz records on self-reversals.
Besides, Nixon has never been coddled by the press. His faults
On the question of being "evenhanded," McGovern's lament sill ill with his complaint that the President's flankies are getting as much time as he does. It is precisely the equal-time campaign that makes newsmen love the President's campaign so much exposure while the President is off tending to the world.
are well-known and often dwell on. The press has concentrated on McGovern because he was a new and unknown quantity, interesting as such. There is also a matter of editorial responsibility. Few dark horses ever came from so far back, reaching national counterfeiters so little known that the writer has an insecure grasp of him as a personality—and many want to vote as much by their "feel" of the man as by the recitation of campaign "stands."
If McGovern should 'become President and reveal flaws in his makeup that the nation had no way of seeing before the election, the press would rightly be called remiss. In effect, McGovern is asking the press to buy him without checking him out—i.e., to do what he did in appointing Eagleton.
It is true that massive national attention was turned on him just at his most vulnerable moment—i.e. when he had to switch from a strategy of pre-empting the Left, to the general election drive for the Center. But that was always a function of his first choice, his decision to run this kind of double campaign—making extravagant claims of Leftist purity, then making sure he was not claimed. Did he really think he would not be caught out; or that the press would charitably overlook this behavior in one who had made extraordinary claims to being candid and above the ways of other office seekers?
As it turns out, one of the most damaging things the press can now report about him is his pettish fuming at the press.
Jack Anderson
(C) 1972, Universal Press Syndicate
WASHINGTON-While the State Department preaches peace in the Mideast, our diplomats are hawking military skis ahead of the scenes to the oil-rich Little Arab land of Kuwait.
The secret negotiations are summarized in a cable from William Stokley to our armoury, which will be sent to the State of Washington Rogers. The cable, dated September 20 and classified "Secret," describes the ambassador's efforts to persuade the French planes instead of French fighters.
U.S. Pushes Arms, Peace
Stoltzt tells of a visit to Kuwait's defense minister. "I saw Shaikh Saad," cables the ambassador, "to again discuss Kuwaiti military aircraft requirements."
He quotes Saad as saying, "Everyone here considers Phantom the best there is, so that is the aircraft they all want."
Stoltzfs is aware, however, that the sale of high-performance Phantoms to Kuwait would distress Israel. So he tried to help Sand to buy F-$s, a sturdy and less sophisticated fighter.
The wily Saiyah, however, wasn't having any F-Ss. He told the U.S. ambassador that he had opinions of his military men, others in the government of Kuwait and parliament to contend with.
Stoltzfus advised Rogers that he had asked the manufacturers of the F-5s to send him a table of specifications, so he could be made a new sales pitch.
"but frankly," the ambassador confided in his secret cable, "I do not know how to make myself itself to have much impact on Saad consider problems, largely of face and internal politics when he faces the ambassador, instead of
The ambassador, instead of urging a slowdown in the Mideast
arms race, pleaded with Rogers,
"At very least we could offer
offer Kuwaiti team the A-4 when
they come to us."
For several months, the United States has been trying to unload military hardware upon the small but wealthy Arab nation. Our comrades have tried, however, to keep their negotiation secrets.
Indeed, Stoltzfus's predecessor, Ambassador John Patrick Walsh, received secret commendations from both the State and Defense departments for the effective manner in which he responded to federal firms rather than U.S. government in front as Kuwaitis consider various possible military equipment purchases."
At a future date, Stoltzfur advocated that the coveted Phantoms be sold both to Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
bassy in Kuwait, Urs Secretary of state John Irwin II instructed, "We agree that any of these sales would represent attractive commercial opportunity for the U.S. Government of Kuwait and commercial firms wishing to sell military equipment and services to Kuwait should clearly understand that U.S. would prefer to see any sales handled on cash, or private credit basis . . .
"Each type of equipment under discussion-F-55, Hercules Bell helicopters, Hawk missiles—would appear in itself a reasonable item for Government of Kuwait to acquire.
'Question arises, however, when one looks at the 'total package' Kuwaitis appear to be willing to accept helicopters and Hawks. Before considering sale of such item, U.S. government would require fairly firm knowledge of near term Government of Kuwait size.
Defense Department team survey Kuwit's defense needs. But the real question is why the United States is eager to dump so many armaments upon Kuwit, with only 733,000 inhabitants spread over more than 6,000 square miles of oil-rich desert.
Washington suggested that a
PAMFERED FOOK Won!
PAMFERED FOOK DAn Irish deerhound, Dan French poodle called Jock have the run of the Atomic Energy Commission's headquarters in Girmantown, Md. They belong to Commissioner Dixy Lee Rae, who is devoted to her dogs that have been sponsored by a splendor aboard her gleaning, black government limousine to her office every day. When she leaves the office, government employees are available as dog sitters. Cleaning up after the dogs, grumble employees, isn't easy. She must be on manual. Ms. Ray told us her office assists volunteer occasionally to watch the dogs.
Griff and the Unicorn
By Sokoloff
Copyright, 1972.
by United Feature Syndicate, Inc
$ \textcircled{2} $ Universal Press Syndicate 1972
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