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Wednesday. October 4. 1972
University Daily Kansan
Making the Office Work
History shows that in presidential elections the incumbent has a clear advantage over the challenger. It is up to the candidate, though, to exploit this advantage. Lyndon Johnson realized before it was too late that even this advantage was not enough to counter popular and vocal opposition to his policies—specifically Vietnam.
Unlike Johnson, candidate Nixon has used the advantage of the office to its fullest. We have the Committee to Re-Elect The President, Tricia's "my father The President and Spiro justifying surrogate candidates because The President must remain at the helm.
It would be unfair to accuse Nixon of hiding behind his office as an election-year ploy. In fact, he realized the advantage of wrapping himself and his decisions in the Presidential Seal long ago. During his tenure as co-chairman, he offered the protests of South American mobs but the United States of America; it was not Nixon in that kitchen with Khrushchev, but the Vice President of the United States of America.
What explains this almost holy—and unhealthy—reverence for the office? Perhaps it is a reaction by most Americans to the decline in prominence of the United States overseas.
It can be argued correctly that a large share of the job is acting as a figurehead. Yet, we don't elect figureheads. We elect men with records to defend. To defend his record all Nixon need do is claim that the exigencies of the office made The President do this or that. And Americans are buying this dodge like never before.
In the face of this dwindling respect, we lionize the most visible symbol of the country—the President. It is a dangerous trend. When the distinction between the president and the electorate no longer responsible to his electors but is free to interpret "what is best for the country."
—Thomas E. Slaughter
Top Secret Hurdles
Before long, the trial of Daniel Ellsberg, the key figure in the Pentagon Papers incident, will begin. Not only will the papers themselves be discussed again, but also the broader area of classification and access to government documents.
The classification problem is a giant one. The outcry and investigation that followed the publishing of the papers prompted President Nixon to issue an executive order that remodeled the former system and increased the level of secrecy which now enshrins altogether many papers written by employees of the federal establishment . . ."
The presidential order, which became effective June 1, reduces the number of government agencies with Top Secret classifying powers from 38 to 12, and the number of individuals from 5,100 to 1,860. It also downgrades and declays documents in less time than before.
A committee with representatives from the State, Justice and Defense Departments, the atomic Energy Commission, the Chemical Agency and the Security Agency will review complaints and suggestions coming from the new rules.
Although the new regulations may relieve partially the problem, the public still will be limited in its access to government documents.
Citizens now may request a review of an item, but only if the document has passed the 10-year classification limit. However, such material must be identified with "sufficient information to identify it." In short, the citizen must know exactly what he's after.
Furthermore, such requests must be made to the classifying department, which has complete control over material, and department heads can hold a document for "national security" reasons without limitation. Thus, while the problem has been lessened in some ways, it is still there, a looming hurdle for the public.
Nixon emphasized that under his order "unnecessary classification and over-classification shall be scrupulously avoided," and that no information shall be "classified in order to conceal inefficiency or administrative error, to prevent impairment to a person or department, . . . or to prevent for any reason the release of information which does not require protection in the interest of national security."
That's easy to say, but quite difficult to accomplish, especially in an organization as large and inefficient as the federal government.
Civil servants and soldiers are usually not the most sincere and dedicated employees. Their only goal is to be a strong supporter of this quo without making any waves.
For example, while in the Air Force, two other low-ranking enlisted men and I had to send out a classified message one evening.
No one knew what the classification should be. But it was quitting time and we wanted to leave in time for the late movie. So rather than take a few minutes and check the regulations, we stamped it Secret, a much higher classification than was needed. Wed solved the problem by passing the buck, and made it to the movies on time.
The classification problem doesn't just concern private citizens who want access to information. It also involves federal authorization with the powerful rubber stamps.
While in the service, I also was assigned to the National Security Agency—a typical, highly secret, secure agency. We had to guard armed services and high fences.
The desk I was given was already full of material, including a stack of higher-Top Secret "junk." I call it junk than because I didn't want it. I don't understand its technical or couldn't understand its paperwork."
But I couldn't bear to throw it away, and have it reincarnated into gray shoeboxes—the fate of such material.
I could have walked out easily with it—obviously the material was of more value to the enemy than to me--but I didn't. However, I wonder how much information such as that is lost or stolen.
Some classification is of course necessary and important. Some information needs protection. But information is unnecessary and unimportant secrets.
President Nixon's order may slow down the problem, but it won't solve it. There must be a complete review of the housecleaning of the entire system.
Too much classification is as dangerous as not enough. We have created a bureaucratic Frankenstein that is capable of turning on its own master. We must destroy it before it destroys us.
Scott Spreier Editor
Public Foots Remodeling Bill
WASHINGTON-When
WASHLAND
President Nikon was invincibly and Spanish villain in San Clemente into a magnificent seaside home, he quietly dipped into the public till for $13,500 to buy a new heating system.
The work was done at the same time laborers were busy consulting with engineers station into a government office complex to serve as the Western White House and installing security equipment around the building.
So no one noticed that the General Services Administration, the government's supply arm, also took care of the installation of electric heat in the former manor and its guest house.
The renovation was apparently supervised by Herbert Kalmbach, the President's personal lawyer, who will not discuss it. Through his secretary, he cited a client privilege as his reason.
William Robinson, the GSA official who signed the contract for the job, claims he can't remember it, although he recalls the contracts for the construction of the office complex.
"The heating system," said a spokesman, "was changed as a result of our suggestion that it be changed.
The Secret Service, however, was ready with an imaginative explanation.
"We considered the former system to be in such condition that it was a threat to the President's security.
"You wouldn't want the President of the United States to be living in a house where the heating system could cause a fire, would you?" The Secret Service man asked plantatively.
He would not say, however,
what was wrong with the old
system that made it such a
thing; what kind of
western it was.
Footnote: No one we contacted had a reason why the President, whose salary is $149 million, worth has been rocked upward since he took
office, was unwilling to pay for the heating system himself.
The Army has ballyhooed Ft. Carson in Colorado Springs as its showcase for enlightened Army attitudes.
Jack Anderson
Army Crime
It was at Ft. Carson that the Army first eliminated makework projects, civilized KD duty personnel and Woodstock rock concerts.
But far from a bastion of enlightenment, FT Carson has become—according to two men in the room—"a haven for criminal actions."
"Unit commanders at all levels of command at Ft. Carson have demonstrated repeatedly a high degree of reluctance in adjudication and punishment to individuals who commit warship命令 commit crimes. . . .
a blistering internal memorandum, by two member boards of Carson's police, states boldly that FT. Carson's top brass have declared 'a policeman's holiday in open its gates' those with
"The current system of meeting out punishments for the more serious crimes, i.e. e.g. aggrassal assault, armed robbery and possession-use of dangerous drugs (as well as marijuana) has
But that wave receded fast, and no other one came in. By the end, McGovern was speaking, alone, on a stricken-looking beach. The couple of men who heard it that it would not serve their purpose to jeopardize diplomatic initiatives with Russia, Nixon, given such an acceptable Left leader, stood foot to be cavalier, so long as skies were clear on Israel.
What McGovern contends against is not one or other proper stand on the issues. These can be very difficult to read, especially various fairly abstract readings on each candidate. The problem is one of an entire ethos around each man. Nixon has the "feel" that he wants to be a leader in affairs. He talks about Phantom
The six-page "information paper" was prepared by two young MP lieutenants, Michael G. Kelly and Robert Werner, who become fed up with the Army's reluctance to punish criminals.
The two MPs voluntarily undertook the study, which was finally submitted to the post's provost marshal. The MPs spent more than 100 working hours apiece, checking bolt entries, maps, and going through the files in 14 of the post's legal offices.
More than a third of the arrests involved drugs: 75 booked but only 17 punished.
Of 206 arrests recorded at Ft. Carson during May and June of this year, the lieutenants reported, 82 per cent went unpunished. No case, says the attorney, was punished in the punishment. The alleged crimes ranged from moving traffic violations to armed robbery.
Why were commanders apathetic about crime? The MPs cite several reasons. Commanders, they say, "fear alienating their troops and are too close to some of their men to be impartial and fair in disciplining them."
gulty from the CO. Several times in our discussions with commanders, a unit commander would intimate that he had never been informed that a certain case even existed."
The MPs quote one commander admitting, "Although I just put a hand on his knee, I have possession of marijuana, if my chief clerk were charged with the same act, I'd be hard-pressed to admit it. But I have knowledge that I know him so well."
In addition, the MPs claim that commanders are often unfamiliar with the facts in the case.
At the Pentagon, the Army verified the authenticity of the MP study but claimed the blotter entries in the study failed to include all alleged crimes. Army installation prefer to emphasize prevention rather than punishment of crime, said a spokesman. We also spoke to one of the authors of the study, L. Robert Werner, a West Point cadet who agreed, "I am willing to stake my career on these findings."
"Somewhere in the distribution chain, police information is pirated in an effort to shield the
Concluded the MPS, "Wellmeaning as they may be, commanders are still unprofessional turists."
Copyright, 1972 by United Feature Syndicate, Inc
Candidates Vie For Jewish Vote
When he was in New York last week, President Nixon met with a group of Jewish leaders in the Waldorf Towers, and it was a warm friendly session. Nixon commiserated with the mourners as the emigration being placed on Jews who want to leave Russia. But he said it was important, while expressing disapproval, not to upset the growth of good relations with Israel. He also told the hard news it is, but they took it—and left pleased with what they had heard, on balance.
Which suggests the difficulty McGovern has with this traditionally Democratic sector of the electorate. He had been in New York just a few days before he became President. Speaking to the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, he said the case against him and other agreements with the Russians until they shape up on the emigration issue. He was speaking at the height of the mail bombings (of the press had all fired into him) when he entered the building), and a little wave of emotion carried the assembled Presidents part-way toward the man who had opened his comments, saying he begged them to be willing able to call him the President.
jets with the air of a man who has dispensed them before, and will again. After all, he sends out bombs daily. McGovney uses airsoft to stress his empathy with those who get bombed. Nixon seems to
Garru Wills
be holding in a natural bellicellity in the Mideast; McGevorm looks like he's trying to work up a muscle. It is. It is a matter of attunement.
The same with that code word "quatz." McGovenn assured the Jewish presidents that he was not for "numerical" quatz—tie, e. g., 1234567890
the left while he keeps his aurus of a chaffing Rightist. Once more, the ethos is what counts. No matter what statesman's games he plays, there is an anti-blanck anim apparent in Nixon's administration, which would not let the quote issue hurt white professionals in any significant way. By contrast, McGovern depends on a constituency partly because it lacks dependence means more than hair-spitting definitions of what is or is not a quota.
It comes down to fine matters of mutual psychological accommodation. Nixon wants the military closely liberal, and McGovern a lying hawk. Better for the Jews to welcome a partial convert like Nixon, then join a renegade like Obama in a process, one's own rebellions.
McGovern was greeted in New York with a standing ovation, and parted to a cold sitting (and
scattered) applause. In a question time, a New York McGovern organizer said to one egg laying layer, laying one egg after another."
"Dick must not have briefed him at all."
The clapping first thinned, then evaporated.
He means Dick Dougherty, the press secretary—who comes in this point, looking worried, and buzzes to Frank Mankiewicz, "Did he know there was to be a Q or A?"
Mankiewicz, aware of us press types eavesdropping, yawned,
"Oh, sure!" Oh, yeah?
An angry little man, once head of the Zionists Of America, comes up to Mankiewicz afterwards, and thanks him for his efforts to an assembly of Jews at Grossinger's. Mankiewicz said it was demeaning to Jews for the President to be seen on camera because that this was artificial, a kind of
"showbating." But his angry questioner feels that heads of state are expected to make these symbolic gestures each other.
For that matter, McGovern makes them - it is just that he makes them convincingly to some people. He stresses on his campaign plane dulfully fished lettuce out of each pre-packaged salad, and threw away the already purchased stuff, so no one could say it had been consumed in his kitchen or denearning gesture to Chicanos?
Every candidate tries to "now" various constituencies, and his ease or stiffness before the different types gives a hint of the psychic air he breathes. Nixon, for instance, cannot even hear an object without experience in the company of blacks. Nor can McGovern in the company of Jews. That is what counts in November.
(C) 1972, Universal Press Syndicate
Readers Respond
R. I.P. Tom?
To the Editor:
Slaughter Laid To Rest
While I have enjoyed the UDK over the past four years, I do think an obtituate section is complete newspaper. An example:
THOMAS E SLAUGHTER
LAWRENCE-April 1, 2012--E. "Phog" Slaughter died here today, the victim of a vicious attack by a crazyed homecoming gunman.
Born c. 1906, Thomas spent most of his life in Lawrence, particularly in the Mount Oread section. Attaining the position of Professor at the University Daily Kansan in 1970, he retained that post through the remaining 42 years of his life. Originally a self-styled Big Man on Campus, he eventually moved to a campus in the Campus. Coming from the activist school of thought, Slaughter遗弃 its passing in the incisive
editorials of his later years (1972-2012). A "most resolute idealist," he forewent the possibility of financial gain with a commercial newspaper in order to devote his time to operating UDK. Homespun phrases (like "ain't it grand?") tempered the highly intellectual nature of his writings, which included many classical allusions, particularly to such works as *The Trial of the King* and he ran for student body president in 1971, then again in the years 1983-97 (all unsuccessful). A member of the Ancient Order of Activists Lodge, he had planned to retire from his UDK work to accept a job on the civilization vitalization includes many of his lodge brothers.
By Sokoloff
Griff and the Unicorn
While forty graduating classes and 23 Chancellors came and went, Phog Slaughter remained a landmark. He will be sorely missed by his community. He is survived by Gus Di Zerega, of the University, David Awbrey, of the University, Andrew Lopea, of Theopae, and by several residents of the Museum of Natural History.
$ \textcircled{2} $ Universal Press Syndicate 1972
Paul Gianakon
propriate.
A memorial of Narcissus flowers is thought to be ap-
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If you have any need for my work, please contact me. Sorry if I stepped on any toes. Tom. I just saw a picture of it in print. You know how it is.
To the Editor:
In response to Robert Ward'1 ediorial of Sept. 26, I first would like to know the source of the phrase "end the war." Since there recently has been some controversy over the authenticity of this phrase, it might be useful if I could hear the existence of such a plan was indicated by Nixon in a speech, interview or off-the-cuff response to some question, or whether it is someone else's overactive imagination.
Vietnam, since such action might have forced the Chinese to intervene with troops.
Secondly, I think your cynicism about President Nixon's handling of the war may be based more or your own beliefs than upon the facts. You should not be blamed for President Johnson's placement of 500,000 American troops in South Vietnam. Instead, he should have been asked to the situation that existed when he took office. On this basis his response has been quite logical. Two courses of action virtuous were clearly possible; our creature could have created serious domestic consequences. Any "sell-out" of our South Vietnamese allies would have caused our other allies to quarrel up to our moral and legal commitments to them. Neither could be invad
He chose to handle the Vietnam war by instituting a defensive strategy for U.S. forces while training and equipping the South Vietnamese in fighting the South Vietnam if it so desired (the events of the past few months indicate it does have such a desire.) This strategy included the phased withdrawal of our forces from South Vietnam.
Cambodia and the mining of North Vietnamese harbors were merely tactics designed to support this defensive strategy. They were designed primarily to limit the offensive capacity of the North Vietnamese government would be convinced that it cannot win a military victory.
The present bombing of North Vietnam is a continuation of this defensive strategy as well as a response to the American nameshe government that we are still in the area. It should be noted that Sen. McGoventry's plan to keep planes in Thailand indicates that the United States also would bomb North Vietnam.
At the present time the U.S. cannot impose a solution to the war (if we ever could). An American invasion of North Vietnam still is out of the question and we cannot protect our remaining forces in South Vietnam from attack. In South Vietnam, such an attack could very well occur if an American president announced a future cutoff of military aid to the South Vietnamese government.
Kenneth B. Lucas
Hutchinson
Graduate Student