4 Friday, September 29.1972 University Daily Kansan KANSAN comment Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers. Migrant Workers The plight of six Mexicans who entered this country illegally to find work has recently been made public. A case such as their involves sticky legal and moral questions for both law officers and private citizens. The Mexicans claim that part of the money they had earned working as truck farmers near De Soto was withheld by their crew chief, and that he threatened to turn them into immigration authorities if they reported that he had not paid them the full amount they were due. Unlike most migrant workers who probably believe they have no choice but to accept such injustices, these six people sought help. The six who were cheated were breaking the law. However, in this country, with its Judeo-Christian ethical background, the man who is supposed to have kept money from them cannot be excused if their claims against him are true. There also have been indignant outcries about the facilities provided by farmers for the housing of people who by-pass the immigration man to come into the country. About the situation, one has to say, "Well, they are not supposed to be here, but, nevertheless, they should not be treated the way they are." It seems to me that some sort of arrangement should be developed that would legalize the entry of people from Mexico during seasons when farmers need extra help. Registration stations could be established along the Mexican-American border or employers of these people could be required to register them with immigration authorities. Although the Mexicans would not really be citizens of the United States, they could be considered under the protection of the Separate Powers; the persuasive power of the law, experts could be encouraged to follow housing and safety regulations when dealing with the Mexicans. I can anticipate cries of "America for the Americans" but I think that Americans have a tendency to make use of almost anybody whenever it is convenient. It is only fair that if we employ aliens, we should try to understand what forces for them while they are here. Americans using Mexicans as sources of cheap labor and some sort of provisions should be established for them. Such an arrangement would not only benefit Mexicans but American employers who have been leery of hiring men and women who have little or no education. Employers will be able to make use of this valuable source of labor. This country has given large amounts of money to other countries to help their citizens. I think a program that would provide some work in America for citizens of Mexico could be seen as a type of mission aid for Mexico, Confusing legal situations, such as involving the six Mexicans and the Kansas crew chief, would be eliminated and a new source of farm labor would be opened up to farmers. —Mary Ward Vanishing Activism A number of seemingly unrelated items in the papers lately should give even the most resolute idealists something to think about. We read that homecoming, with all the trimmings, is back at the University after a two-year hiatus. Candidate Nixon is now perceived as the "peace" candidate by all age groups. Vietnam troop levels are below 50,000, but the bombing of North Vietnam is at an incredible high. Marine recruiters in the Union raise not even an eyelash. And, as columnist Mike Royko notes, the dissidents have disappeared. What to make of all this? It is an indication that those under 30 are not any more idealistic or humanitarian than their elders—and may, in fact, be a bunch of intellectual phonies. Royko reminds us that there was a day in the not-so-early days. How poor this school couldn't show his face on the typical college campus because of his company's connection with our "immoral" war. He goes on to suggest that, now that the threat of being drafted into that war to commit "immoral" acts of brutality on women and children no longer exists, the moralists can ponder whether he is a good administrator, instead of asking whether he's a man who can end the war. Our under-30 football-fan moralist has welcomed the antiseptic—but just as bloody and tragic for the North Vietnamese—bombing war. This reminds me of the one episode War Trek I can remember. In it, the new war stumbled into a war between two planets. The war was fought with computers. Each planet executed its computer casualties painlessly. averting bloodshed on the battlefield. The commander of the spaceship (an American) thought all this was more barbaric than conventional warfare, because it freed human resources and personal responsibility. Personal responsibility, he argued, made the decision to kill a difficult one. Nixon has moved a country from one type of war to another—the current no-responsibility version being more tasteful to most Americans, according to the polls. With that move, the need to fight a messy war vanishes. Indeed, who can call it a fight? We bomb the stuffings out of nameless, faceless statistics—who just happen to be innocent and still die terrible deaths—while Americans no longer need to die in proportion to the havoc they rain down on others. The matter of responsibility becomes hazy. At least, many would like it to be so. It was no coincidence, I think, that homecoming was considered pointless a few years ago at the height of the antwar movement. We were more important things to worry about—like getting drafted. Candidate Nixon is a shrewd man. The responsibility for the war is not his, yet he seems to have succeeded in convincing most Americans that the responsibility is not theirs, either. Freed from this responsibility, the once-angry children from Hoxie, Beloit and Newton can return to the halcyon days when the biggest threat is another it would rain on their homecoming decorations. Ain't it grand? —Thomas E. Slaughter Lieutenant, I think there's a trenchcoat in my mouthwash bottle! Report Reflects U.N. Hypocrisy James J. Kilpatrick NEW YORK-It is no trick at all to demonstrate the hypocrisy of the United Nations: Witness the sanctions imposed upon Rhodesia. To demonstrate the UN's imbecility ordinarily takes a man who has come recently to hand that happily accomplishes the task. This is a report submitted in July to the General Assembly's known formally as the Special Session on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Funds for Peace Between Countries and Peoples. The report comes from the special three-man mission assigned to Portuguese Guinea. For the past 10 years, more or less, a guerrilla outfit known as PAIGC (Partido Africano da independencia da Guinea e Cabo Verde) has been trying to overthrow government. The guerrillas call themselves freedom fighters; others call them terrorists. Now, Portuguese Guinea does not rank large among the powers of the world. It is an enclave of Portugal, with a size of Connecticut and Massachusetts combined—carved out of the west coast of Africa south of Senegal. Its estimated last year at 500,000. The Jungle struggle is important to the Communists, who are seeking to gain power, and it is necessary that they try to hold power, but it has small importance otherwise. It is a fair surrender that most of the natives stand indifferent in the cause. Back in the jungle, such concepts as freedom, nationalism and morality are applied, paraphraseless as the river mud. The people will be ruled by the remote authority of Marcelo Caetano, a benevolent man, or by the more immediate authority of Amilcar Leite, who is a carelessly benevolent at all. much for Portuguese Guinea. On March 14, the Committee of 24 announced that its special mission would visit the liberated areas of Portuguese Guinea. The team headed by Jorge Ecuador, one from Sweden, one from Tunisia—met the PAIGC leaders on April 2. They were led about the jungle for six days, and came out on April 8. There they, they made their report. Imagine, if you please, three Cub Sabs who have just come burrowing from their first overnight hike. They are filled with curiosity and excitement. They hear a bear—or that's what the old boys said it was. They found a wildcat's track—or anyhow what it looked like. They walk as fast as they can miles, and got so tired. But they saw all these marvelous things, you know, like birds' nests and snake skins and funny rocks, the campfire and it was a wooo! the campfire and it was a wooo! at night, and oh, mother! That is precisely the tone of this ludicrous report. The three UN diplomats supposedly were inspecting "liberated areas" under guerrilla control, but clearly the军队 were not liberated in any area. They held up the Cub Scouts hiked by night and hid with their leaders in the jungle by day. Their guerrilla hosts could not provide so much as a spare razer. Thus the team had to fight without a shave, and they loved it. Indeed, the UN investigators loved everything they saw or heard. Their report betrays not the slightest hint of a neutral denounced this caper as "Mission Invisible. They strongly suspect the black humor, led their bug-yet breathless guests on a merry walk through a few square miles of land, but the hard evidence produced by the UN mission, it could be so. It is not a france. As such, it accurately reflects the character of the UN in very funny all the same." objectivity. The rebels are depicted as heroic, brave, dedicated, hard-working, honest, manful and determined. They have established 200 schools, a great number of hospitals, a whole system of colleges, many non-profit one-paragraph elections. They are building a model nation. By contrast, the Portuguese are insane and find despicable amusement in the bombing of little children. (C) 1972 Washington Star Syndicate, Inc. "GENERAL AMIN SANS HES GOING TO RUN UGANDA BY THE BOOK" The outraged Portuguese have Jack Anderson Powell Favors Big Business WASHINGTON—Shortly before his appointment to the Supreme Court, justices of the business leaders in a confidential memo to use the courts as a "social, economic and political" in- He recommended a militant political action program, ranging from the courts to the campuses. His 33-page memo is now being circulated among top corporate officials in the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. "Other organizations and groups, recognizing this, have "Business must learn the lesson . . . , he wrote, that "the power of such power must be assiduously cultivated; and that, when necessary, it must be used with determination. . . . "Under our constitutional system, especially with an activist-minded Supreme Court," he declared, the judiciary may be the important instrument for social, economic and political change. In particular Powell advocated that the businessmen's battle should be fought in the courts. "There should be no hesitation to attack the (Ralph) Naders, the (Herbert) Marcuses and others of the system." The system is the system. There should be not the slightest hesitation to press for support of the enterprise system. Nor should there be reluctance to penalize politically important people. been far more mute in exploiting judicial action than American business. Perhaps the most active exploiters of the judicial system are those ranging in political orientation from liberal to the far left . . . Powell's blunt proposal to use the courts, especially the Supreme Court, to champion big wins in the trial before his own appointment to the Supreme Court. His ideas were contained in a memo, stamped "Confidential," while the FBI filed an evidence of investigation of Powell. "Labor unions, civil rights groups and now the public interest law firms are extremely active in the judicial arena. Their focus at business's expense, has not been inconsequential. Senators, therefore, never got a chance to ask Powell whether he might use his position on the Senate to influence the in practice and to influence the "The Chamber would need a highly competent staff of counsel, who should be authorized to engage, to appear as counsel amicus in the Supreme Court, lawyers of the court, standing and reputation." "This is a vast area of opportunity for the Chamber," he said. "I want to undertake the role of spokesman for American business and if, in turn, business is willing to provide the funds court in behalf of business interests. Powell is also a distinguished educator who served on the board of the University as a trustee of Washington and Lee University. He was impressed with the need to mold students at the high school and college. "Few things are more sacrificed in American life," he said. "We would have it if it would be fatal to attack this as a principle." But he had some ideas for promoting "openness," "fairness" and "balance" on the island. "The Chamber," he urged, "should consider establishing a staff of highly qualified scholars who do believe in the system. "The staff of scholars (or preferably a panel of independent scholars) should evaluate social science textbooks, especially in medical science and sociology. This should be a continuing program." "There also should be a staff of speakers of the highest competency. These might include the scholars, and certainly those who would like the Chamber would have to articulat e the product of the scholars . . . "Perhaps the most fundamental problem is the imbalance of many faculties. Correcting this is indeed a long-term challenge, and should be undertaken as a part of an overall program. This would mean the urging of the need for faculty balance upon university "The methods to be employed require careful thought, and the obvious pitfalls would be avoided. The would be counterproductive... administrators and boards of trustees. "This is a long road and not one for the faintheated. But if pursued with integrity and conviction, it could lead to a strengthening of both academic freedom on the campus and of the people we have made America the most productive of all societies." Footnote: Powell drafted his memo originally for Eugene B. Sydnor, Jr., head of the Southern Department Stores chain, who is also a director of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. It was her task to ensure that interested in Powell's proposals. He was disturbed that we had obtained a copy of Powell's confidential memorandum. But she was prepared to be prepared by Powell who agreed to reduce to writing their discussions on how to defend the free enterprise system. We made Powell agree to teach Powell for this comment, but he never returned our calls. Copyright, 1972, by United Feature Syndicate, Inc. Readers Respond To the Editor: Reader Recalls Munich Terror Professor Peter Dart's letter from Germany in yesterday's issue also in much 3 weeks ago today. My wife, Margaret, and I felt the shock of terror and death in the city of Jerusalem, righteous mad men. The experience seems like a dream, but I did not. It had occurred a few hours ago. Kleindienst Well-Cast As 50s Prosecutor The TV Perry Mason, on the late re-runs, is a heavyweight plodder with clever rectitude. Prosecutor Hamilton Burger is a little more pragmatic in representing the government. The show was implicitly anti- Garry Wills --of facts. That does not, by any means, constitute working on a confessed ignorance, he still volunteered a job to the Elect, pointing out that any private group can destroy its records—that's not against the He was being interviewed by Establishment, though the man who played Mason is a hawkish type in real life. Fancy my shock, then, to see life, the life of a show live, on a talk show the other night, in just about the same time alone where alliterative defendants can be found. It was actually Richard Killeen, who interviewed. Beh had the same rubbery, large face, the same croaking voice out of syne with the man, the man's mock astonishment, the quick mechanical smile of unsuccessful Kleiendien could not have come closer to the old TV screen, but he had been trying. His eyes, idles, above, sandbagged below, rake above, ventured from urort openings, the head of the eyes will dart more rapidly. He even had the Fifties mini-padmouder carved up above / above. Elizabeth Drew, one of Washington's best reporters, who does guests in her pretty knowledgeable persecution. The subject was Watergate and other infiltrations. Mr. Kleindienst said he did not job is not only to succeed John Mitchell, but protect him. The two of them were like upkeep in a building, all in all Mason Mount. Inspector Trag is the public has to worry about. He needs help, he would never catch a felon. And so with Kleindienst, fronting for Mitchell. First he visited the Watergate investigation of the Watergate affair had been, all under his own jurisdiction. Miss Drew's inquiries were thorough—she just read the newspapers, preparing for this cross-examination. She knew, too, that the Committee to Re-Elect President had destroyed documents connected with the Watergate maudners. What did she do? Egyptian team failed to appear in their scheduled game with the French team, but between the West Germans and the Australians was finished, the announcement came from the German team. The Olympic events for Tuesday evening, Sept. 5, and Wednesday, Oct. 4 were the most authentic information we heard on Wednesday morning, when we learned about the shootout. Well-quick robot smile for the silver-GM Kan did not know and was nervous about vast investigation. Despite the fact that one of the documentaries written by an old Justice Department colleague of Klienndienst, an ideological crony. So much for a hard工作 homework Trag's man does. OK, grant that Kleindienst doesn't know this particular set Of course not. No one claims be an indication of nervousness about acts that were illegal, and it should pred a law-and-order system. But is Kleindienst curious? Not at all. "I'm not connected with the campaign committee. I don't know what they did. I don't know instances. I don't know the facts." He don't know nothin', and he don't want to know. Yet he speaks to me with a confidence incredibly (and illegally) curious about all kinds of lawful acts performed by ideological leaders, pried, peeped and pried, bugged and tapped, acts less suspicious than document-desCRIPTION When Kleindienst was up for confirmation, I argued it was not certainty of ideological bias that disqualified him. Even I did not think this would be so quickly, so much easier than the public does not seem to care. We would have a big credibility and we do not have such a boredom gap. (C) 1972, Universal Press Syndicate Just after noon on Sept. 5, we were waiting on a corner in downtown Munich for the bus to head overland people talking about something terrible happening on the Olympic Grounds. Then I met overhead people talking about German newspapers reported the death of two Israeliis in the Olympic Village. As we rode on the road, we learned that we learned most of the Israeli Olympic team members were being held as hostages in the Jerusalem terrorist attacks. At the basketball hall, we were not surprised when the The opening ceremonies of the Olympics remain an inspiring and undefatigable event for us. The stage was set for the joyous provisions provided magnificent facilities for the games and the city was well prepared to welcome us. On Sept. 6, the pride and jokes of the people of Munich had been shattered and their sorrow dismay was evident. On Sept. 6, the pride and jokes of the people of Munich had been shattered and their sorrow dismay was evident. Olympics continued after a day's interruption for a memorial service to the murdered Israelis, he remainder of the events to be unimportant and colorless. I came home confused and expressed as realized once more that backpacking still cilling are still considered equitate politics in so many situations all over the world. Subaru Mental Health Clinic Mental Health Clinic Watkins Memorial Hospital THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN America's Pacemaking college newspaper News Adviser ... 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