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Tuesday, September 5, 1972
University Daily Kansan
Rating Grad Students
In most cases the graduate students hired by the University to fill teaching positions have had little previous teaching experience. Consequently, graduate students are not always required to show proficiency in teaching, because being hired, as are professors, Thus, in the case of graduate students especially, the bad get in with the good.
Financially, the University is not in a position to stop hiring graduate students. Nor is it feasible to raise the requirements for initial hiring. But that is not to say that nothing can be done about graduate students who are poor teachers.
The easiest and most perfunctory approach is to fill out the class evaluation forms at the end of the semester. Of course, this approach is of no use to the student filling it out, since he has by then already sat through a class with a teacher. These forms should not be underrated, since they do play an important part in determining whether or not the instructor will be rehired.
But, in the case of graduate students, there are other alternatives that offer more immediate and constructive relief. If the class is one section of a large multi-section class (e.g. German I, English I, Spanish I, Calculus 21), four or five members of the class who share the same opinion of the instructor's incompetence should go talk to the course
supervisor. He probably will visit the class in question to see the problem for himself, and then do what he wants, improve the instructor's methods.
If there is reason to believe that reports to the course supervisor or the departmental chairman will not be treated in confidence, or if talks with either of them have gotten no action, the best thing to do would be either to locate the student representative to that department's faculties to examine the case to be acquired from the departmental secretary), or to report the situation to the Ombudsman's office (864-3607).
The same thing applies to smaller classes except that the group of students should visit the chairman of the department. This approach quite possibly will result in improved instruction during the same semester.
While it may be uncomfortable to report the incompetence of some especially sincere or friendly instructor, it should be done. In some cases, the assistance of a supervisor or departmental chairman will be all it takes to make a good instructor out of a bad one. But in all cases, if you fail to make a bad instructor's incompetence known in the right places, you are dooming yourself and those students who follow you to a semester's worth of miserable classes and bad grades.
—Robert Ward
AP News Analysis
Security Treaty Decays
By JOHN RODERICK
BY JOHN NODERICK
TOKYO—The U.S. security treaty with Japan, one of chief negotiators of the agreement Washington forged to contain global communism, is showing signs of disrepair.
Future application of the treaty is one of the subjects for President Nixon and Japan's Prime Minister Kakui Tanaka at their current meeting in Honolulu.
THE 1960-63 Korean conflict, INJAPHE caused a vast supply base for United Nations forces fighting on the Korean Peninsula.
Many Japanese, some then and more now, opposed the treaty on the ground it was an en blance on it on the sovereignty. The pact became
Drawn up in 1951, it gave the United States the use of military bases in Japan to maintain "international peace and security in the Far East." Though it did not say so specifically, it was a wall to prevent settlers from People's Republic of China from spilling over into the anti-Communist, pro-American countries on its periphery, particularly Taiwan.
the butt of violent demonstrations and opposition movements, reaching a peak in 1960 when a massive but unsuccessful campaign was mounted against revising and continuing it.
In 1970 it entered a new stage continuance by mutual consent on a year-to-year basis.
A thaw in the cold war, the start of Ping Pong diplomacy, and Nixon's trips to the Peking and Moscow summits prompted many Japanese to question its further usefulness.
IT HAS become a focus of U.S.- Japanese attention with Tanaka's own plans to journey to Taiwan and return with diplomatic recognition of the People's Republic and a break in a long-standing political relations with Taiwan. Ms. Tanaka's government in Taiwan.
American policy makers, and some conservative Japanese, worry about what all this will do to the assets to the defense of Taiwan.
Nationalist stronghold. Thus, they continue, the question of American use of Japanese bases to defend Taiwan is academic.
Tanaka says he has no intention of abrogating the treaty. But the "recognize Peking" school to which he belongs argues that there is little prospect of a Chinese Communist attack the
AS LONG as the United States insists that Taiwan was one country and mainland China another, it felt free to maintain troops on the island. Nixon in February, at the windup of his war against China, was China one and promised not to interfere in its domestic problems. Tanaka is preparing to do the same thing.
Many Japanese now say that whatever happens between Peking and Taipei is no one's business but their own. Both the United States and Japan recognize China's territorial rights; they add, "China's security treaty says neither will use force against the integrity or political independence of any state.
THE UNITED States wants the "Far East" defense clause in the treaty to apply to Taiwan, despite the cold war thaw, because Nixon continues to guarantee the integrity of the nationalist island.
Japan has the last word on whether the Americans use bases here to counter any future thrust in the Pacific. Unless either partner is directly attacked, the United States must consult with Japan before undertaking combat operations in the area.
Foreign Minister Masayoshi Ohira agrees with Tanaka that the treaty is useful—it places a nuclear umbrella over Japan, for one thing—and should be renewed each year. But he reflects growing Japanese dependence, then he says Japanese dependence is not a United States economically, politically militarily must end sometime. It's easy to believe that he means the sooner the better.
Jack Anderson
Peace Failure Disappoints Nixon
THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN America's Pacemaking college newspaper
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Compelled to Deal
WASHINGTON—President Nixon was optimistic until a few weeks ago about achieving a cease fire in Vietnam before the November 7 election. Now he wants to step up the fighting as the election comes close.
Intelligence reports suggest that fighting on all fronts will be combined with guerrilla activity in the rear to create turmoil in South Vietnam and to undermine confidence in the Saigon government. But the real Communist aim, in his opinion, is to encourage American voters the impression can it end the war.
His "secret plan" simply was to appeal over Haniel's head to Headmond and Peking. He hoped to sit down separately with Russian and Chinese leaders for some straight talk. He thought he could persuade them that U.S. friendship could be more valuable to them than Haniel's favor.
From sources close to the President, we have been told of his bitter disappointment over Hanol's refusal to accept a cease fire. He has responded with cold war rhetoric, which he feels is the best way to counter the expected Vietnamese offensive. But he would prefer to campaign as a peacemaker.
The story of the his diplomatic-military maneuvering to settle the war began four years ago with his campaign promise of a "secret plan" to end the war. This was greeted with derision by Democrats and skepticism by others. But those privy to the President's strategy assure us that it not only had a "secret plan" but that it has come close to succeeding.
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allies, Nikon figures, the North Vietnamese would be compelled to come to terms. He was willing to offer terms, indeed, that he thought Hanoi would find hard to turn down.
He pressed for a cease fire and the release of American prisoners. In return, he promised that the United States would cease all military activity, withdraw from Vietnam and leave it to the Vietnamese. But as he said, he also made the point that he would be easier to deal with before his re-election than afterward.
Reaching Moscow and Peking took longer and the diplomacy was more sophisticated than the President had anticipated. But a month ago, it held that scenario would turn out larger as he had foreseen.
The word from Moscow and Peking was so optimistic that the President felt sure he would get a cease fire. President Thieu, for his part, even agreed to step down and permit an internationally organized force in Russia. But the negotiations broke down over the question of who would control the interim government.
Subsequently, the White House learned that both Moscow and Peking had advised Hanoi that Nixon would be re-elected and, therefore, that serious negotiations should be resumed. This led to the secret talks between Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho.
President Nixon had expected to be able to tell the Republican convention last month how he had kept his end-the war wedge. Instead, he returned to cold war rhetoric in his acceptance speech, promising not to "betray our allies" nor to "stain the honor of the United States."
When they look through their rose-tinted glasses, Republican strategists can see their candidates winning 5 of the 14 seats in Iowa. Democrats. They are hard-to put to six.
The arithmetic is deceptively simple. In this second session of the 92nd Congress, the Senate was organized with 55 votes for the Democrats, 45 for the Republicans. A shift of only five seats in the GOP's direction would produce a 90-50 tie. Vice President Agnew, in this scenario, would have been the one to those lovely charismachants, those nice offices and plump requisites would drop like peaches into Republican hands.
Incumbents will be seeking re-election to 16 of the 19 Republican seats. Fortunately for the party, most of the 16 incumbents are strong candidates. Only six of them are first-termers going for the difficult second term. The three vacancies arise through retirements in idaho, Kentucky and Missouri, whose prospects for holding their own are excellent in Kentucky, but South Dakota—George McGovern's home state—will be tough.
It could happen that way, but it won't be easy. Thirty-three Senate seats will be up for grabs in November—19 of them held by Republicans, 14 by Democrats. In order to win control, the GOP must first hold the 19 votes needed to win 5 of the Democrats' 14. It is a tailor order.
Washington Whirl
WASHINGTON—the Classic recipe for rabbit steak, as every good cook knows, begins with a famous injunction: First catch the rabbit. That's the Republican's control of the Senate, but with the help of George McWho they may make it yet.
It may be different elsewhere, but down in Dixie the one big issue is: McGovern. Winton Blount, the Republican challenger in Alabama, makes no bones about it. In point of fact, Blount is running against the venerable John Sparkman, who probably would have been secure despite his age (he will be 73 in December) if it weren't for the presidential factor. For campaign purposes, Blount is running hard against "McGovern and all his team" and Sparkman is in trouble.
The GOP's brightest hope, by general agreement, lie in Alabama, North Carolina, New Mexico, Rhode Island and Virginia. Republican candidates have a prayer in Georgia, Montana and Oklahoma. A three-way race is in prospect in Louisiana: The Republican nominee might win by plurality there. Democrats are conceded Mississippi, Arkansas, New Hamshire, Minnesota and West Virginia.
Republicans Seek Senate Seats
In North Carolina and Virginia, the
James J. Kilpatrick
SECRET RAYS- CIA officials were intrigued over the Soviet charge that the Americans used mysterious rays and chemicals to defeat Russia's Boris Spassky, the defending world chess champion. A thorough examination of the chess area, of course, produced no trace of hidden rays or chemical agents. The Soviets were hollering at a technique that they use. Back in the 1960s, U.S. security men discovered that strange microwave impulses, some steady, some pulsating, were directed into our Moscow embassy from a neighboring building. A CIA investigation turned up Russian medical literature, suggesting that microwaves can cause nervous systems damage. A secret study produced no conclusive evidence, however, that the mysterious microwaves had any serious effect upon our embassy people.
CURIOUS COINCIDENCE-State highway officials are required by law to submit reports to the federal government explaining how their road projects will affect the environment. Two Washington, D.C., scientists have discovered, however, that the highway officials care so little about their reports that they copy whole sections word-for-word from their colleagues across the country. Drs. James Sullivan and Paul Montgomery of the Center for Science in the Public Interest found identical sentences being used by highway engineers in Reading, Pa.; Waterloo, Iowa; St. Louis, Mo.; Omaha, Neb.; Philadelphia, Pa.; Gadsen, Al.; Tulsa, Okla.; and Chesapeake, Va.
Copyright, 1972, by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
The North Carolina contest has particular interest as a straightforward battle between conservative and liberal conservatives Helms, the Republican conservative, accused of stealing WRLAL-TV in Raleigh; until this past February, when he suspended his
Democratic candidates have given McGovern the treatment generally reserved for unbelievable in-laws, George McWho? McGovern? They cannot quite place the name. Meanwhile, the Republican candidates have Jesse Helms in Alabama and William Scott in Virginia—are bearing down hard on the McGovern line.
broadcasts by reason of his Senate candidacy, his thundering TV editorials were loved or loathed throughout the state. Congressman Nick Galifianakis, the Democratic liberal, stands 180 degrees across the circle. In any other year, the more experienced Galifianakis would be favored—but this is the year of McGovern, and the hard-driving Helms may yet pull an upset.
In Virginia, the same story is taking shape. Senator William Spong, the Democratic incumbent, is a moderate Democrat who supports unity and integrity, Congressman Scott, his
Republican challenger, is a 100 percent conservative, little known beyond his home. And he escaped the McGovern noose, while Scott is riding Nixon's countries for all he is worth.
These are important races for Nixon and the GOP. The Republicans are hungry for the decisive five new seats in the Senate, but if they can't win the five, they would settle happily for Blount, Helms and Scott. The Republicans could win because Republicans could mean the difference to Nixon on many issues between continued frustration and achievement at last.
(C) 1972 The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
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ment. Students must provide their name, year in school and home town; faculty and staff must provide their name and position; others must provide their name and address.
Griff and the Unicorn
By Sokoloff
Universal Press Syndicate 1972