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Tuesday, August 29, 1972
University Daily Kansan
James J. Kilpatrick
City Streets
Downtown Lawrence has never been one of the loveliest spots on earth but now it definitely ranks as an eyesee. Massachusetts Street was deteriorating and some sort of repair work was needed. Instead of just paving the street someone decided it would be better to tear the whole street up and start over again. This way the federal government would contribute half the funds necessary to accomplish the project. Therefore, it seems the Massachusetts mudpuddle has come into existence through the joint efforts of the city and the federal government under the auspices of the Lawrence Urban Renewal program.
This urban renewal project began about the second week of July and is supposed to end November 15. It is unfortunate the project was not timed so it would be finished before the fall semester. The inconvenience created by the street repair project is probably causing downtown merchants loss of some of the valuable back-to-school business from both
university students and other Lawrence citizens.
The downtown merchants not only have to withstand the loss in business but they are also providing some of the money needed to pay for the project. When the project is finished however, both shopkeepers and shoppers will benefit. According to Arnold Wiley, head of the city street department, the street will be slightly wider and a more effective type of lighting will be installed. There will not be more parking spaces on the road, be marked by interactions into the sidewalk rather than painted lines. This type of parking is supposed to be safer and will hopefully make it harder to take up two spaces. Unfortunately, parking meters will also mark the space. The area will also have some landscaping done.
This is an expensive project in both time and money. But it had to be done and the only way to deal with it is to put up with it.
Mary Ward
Registration Deadline
Students here last week were offered an easy chance to assure themselves of a voice in local government.
Tables were set up in Allen Field House at enrollment and workers were there to register students to take advantage of the opportunity
There is a special city referendum Sept. 19 and today is the last chance to register. The county clerk's office will be open until 9 tonight but after that books will be closed to city voters until the day after the referendum.
If a registered voter did not vote in the 1970 general election his registration has expired. Those who have moved or changed names since they last registered or voted in a general election must reregister. Students who are presently registered in their home towns can reregister at the county clerk's office. It's an easy process that should not take more than five minutes.
registered to vote in Lawrence are numerous. Absentee ballots are a hassle and Lawrence is home for KU students nine months of the year. The issues that come up in local elections will often affect the quality of life for students more than the issues that are being considered in their home towns—not seen all that often.
In the special September referendum, voters will be asked to approve or deny the annexation of 1,780 acres of land northwest of Lawrence. The area is being considered for industrial use.
Freshmen, who will be here nine months a year for four years, especially should consider registration in Lawrence.
The advantages of being
At present, most students are not familiar enough with the pros and cons of the proposed annexation to authoritatively vote yes or no. But by making a short trip to the school, students have formed about the proposal, students will have a chance to turn their opinions into tangible action.
—Joyce Neerman
Evasive GOP Platform
MIAMI BEACH—The Republican platform for 1927 is cast, save for a few exceptions. It boasts, it crowns, it scorns, it scels. It rings with solid ambiguities. For example, its softly fugitive and muddily clear. It is a triumph of the platform writer's art. Dr. Samuel Johnson once remarked, in commenting on some especially important occasions, that recently deceased, that in the making of lapidary inscriptions a man is not upon his oath. So, too, with party platforms. Their promises and pronouncements are to be taken seriously, but they are not to be taken very seriously. The purpose is to woo, not to wot.
Viewed in this light, the Republican platform is plainly a superior product. The Democratic platform, with its shell illusion upon the redistribution plan, provides an authoritative populist authors of that platform really do hate the devil and all his works; they cry out for repentance and redemption. The Republicans, by contrast, are filled with virtuous assurance. To the ailing, disenchanted populists, of all a splendid bedside manner.
The exceptions appear in the GOP's
attuck on Sen George McGovern. The Republicans obviously have launched an effort (you can hear the public relations consultants in the background) to drive a wedge between the candidate and his party. A new proper noun emerges: McGovernite. If you don't read the same, the same effort eight years ago, but "Goldwaterite" never caught on. The syllables lacked the right cadence.
This time around, the Republicans have a fine villain and they mean to make the most of him. Thus McGover is charged with leading a "radical clique which scorns our nation's past and is eager to use us." He is a quick physician who has written a "New left prescription for folly," McGovern beams. He whimpers. He crawls. He "cries plaintively." The Republicans generously invite "discerning Democrats and concerned Independents" to abandon this fellow, but would not ultimately be likely to left, to walk hand in hand into a new era of progress for man.
All this is good can clean up. If the Republicans can isolate a new political species, the bag-eyed McGovernite, they are playing within the rules of the election and will not be presidential, and the shaping of major party policy, is much more than a game.
Deficit spending, for one thing, is an increasingly serious matter. It required a certain chutzpah for the authors of the Republican platform to deploy "the deficit of more than $25 billion" in 2014 and to hold back it. There must have been a few snuckers in the drafting room when a sentence was read aloud: "Federal deficit spending
beyond the balance of the full employment budget is one sure way to retrain inflation." The unpalatable truth is that when it comes to deficit spenons, it's because the figures are prettied up and glossed over. Jonah Kakas has made Johnson look like a piker.
A policy on "consumerism" is serious. Here the Republicans are like a waffle: They are crisp on both sides but weak on holes. The excesses of big labor, as opposed to big business, are cause for deep concern. It is not enough to praise the free enterprise system on page 21, and to salute the manstatesman of the labor movement on page 64. How does the Republicanism restrain the abescence of economic power?
In some areas, to be sure, the Republican platform carves out sharp distinctions. The GOP is against the busing of school children for racial balance; the Democrats support it. The Republicans advocate voluntary busing; the Democrats killed a platform amendment that effect. On national defense, the Republicans statements are far apart. More of these distinctions would have been welcome.
Vermont Royster, a great editor and essayist, once wrote an epitaph for the Whig party. It died young, he said, of an incurable disease. It tried to be all things to all people. Today's McGovern rhetoric will or all its McGovern rhetoric must embrace the same virus. The reform Democracy have a different aliment. But to judge from their platform, at least they know where they are lurching.
(C) 1972 The Washington Star Syndicate, Inc.
Jack Anderson
Nixon Woos Catholic Vote
WASHINGTON — President Nixon has made a strong pitch for Catholic votes this fall by supporting members of parochial school children.
But inside the Administration's economic councils, the idea has consistently gotten a frosty
reception from the President's top tax experts.
In a series of confidential memoranda, the Treasury department's tax men have made it clear they think such credits would complicate the tax code, be difficult to police and
hard to keep under control once established.
Their warnings, however, have gone unheeded by President Nixon, who is apparently paying more attention these days to his political advisers than his economic experts.
"Button, button ... who's got the button?"
Griff and the Unicorn
By Sokoloff
Cohen expertly couched his opinions in carefully worded phrases, but his attitude was clearly clearer. He pointed reviewers the sizable opposition to the 1980 Nolan memorandum which recommended against such schemes.
Virtually the same message was repeated in yet another Cohen memo, this one dated June 14, 1971, and addressed to the President's protector of special interests, Peter Flanigan.
One of the strongest memos appeared on the desk of presidential counselor John Nolan, 12, 1969. In it, Deputy Assistant Treasurer John Nolan, an expert on tax law, wrote that such credits were inadvisable.
On November 27, 1970, for example, then Assistant Treasury Secretary John Cohen sent an memo to the White House. Cohen discussed both the pros and cons of tax credits, but strongly hinted at the possibility.
The opposition to the idea has continued ever since, although the Treasury experts have been more discreet about it since he made it plain he thought the idea could pay big political dividends.
"in general," Cohen wrote, "there are a number of reasons why those concerned with income tax policy and administration are inclined to approach with reluctance the granting of an allowance through the income tax system." We take credit for personal expenditures unrelated to the earning of income . . . .
As Cohen was the Administration expert most "concerned with income tax policy," he was appointed to the position. My associate Spear
$ \textcircled{2} $ Universal Press Syndicate 1972
reached Cohen, who has recently been promoted to unders Secretary, at his vacation retreat in Denmark, Maine. He insisted he had taken no personal position on the tax credits issue. He said he was merely summarizing the "pros and cons" in his memo to the White House, liaison man with Treasury."
NIXON'S INSTINCTS! It's no secret that George McGovenn is trying to draw President Nixon into a wide-open, slam-bang chamber of his own mind. He assured his campaign aides that he will avoid the boobtrap the McGoverners are setting for him. The aides are worried, however, that McGovern will arouse the national combat instinct.
NIXON AND EAGLETON—President Nixon has lined intimates that, in his view, George McGovern made a mistake in the campaign for Eagleton ticket. Throughout the Eagleton affair, Nixon privately sympathized with the deposed nominee. Perhaps the President remembered how he, as the Republican vice-presidential candidate, had come under fire in 1962. He had been the beneficiary of a fund, which Nixon managed to businessmen, to help pay his senatorial expenses. Although Nixon denied the fund was tainted, GOP leaders urged he resign from the ticket. Nixon, fighting to stay on the ticket, responded with a television soap opera. He won; Nixon criticized him as the President, apparently remembering, identified with Eagleton.
WASHINGTON WHIRL
"I do not believe in being passive under attack," Nikon has written. "I am usually in politics," especially in politics." Copyright, 1972, by United Feature Syndicate.
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