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Friday, November 3, 1989 / University Daily Kansan
Opinion
THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
Student Senate revenue bill is blackmail for the Kansan
Student Senate has unknowingly placed freedom of the press at the University of Kansas in jeopardy.
A bill passed by Student Senate last week requires revenue code groups, including the University Daily Kansan, to submit a written plan on how they will respond to the Minority Issues Task Force recommendations. If Senate is not pleased with an organization's plans, that organization will not be financed.
Although the effort to ensure that groups receiving student money do not act with prejudice is an honorable one, this bill constitutes a violation of freedom of the press. The Kansan, unlike other revenue code organizations, publishes a daily newspaper and must not allow government to influence its decisions.
The wording of the bill requires the Kansan to implement changes suggested in the task force report, at least to the satisfaction of Senate. The suggestions include changes in the University Daily Kansan Policy, Style and Layout Guide, an in-house publication that dictates how we write. Senate enforcement of mandated changes in the content of this newspaper would be blackmail. If we don't make changes requested by student government, which could include anything because the bill makes Senate responsible for interpreting the intent of the report, we will not be financed.
Pat Warren, one of the authors of the bill, said that its intent with respect to the Kansan was to ensure that reporters underwent sensitivity training. But that is not what the bill says. The bill says that if the task force recommendations are not met, revenue code groups will lose the money they receive from Senate. This Senate may respect the author's intent, but that does not mean future Senates will. And that does not make the possible implications of the bill any less real and threatening.
Without an author present to explain his intentions, future Senates will read the bill literally. A literal interpretation of the bill implies that Senate has the right to control this newspaper's style. This is wrong for two reasons. First, the Kansan has already made the changes requested by the task force without student government telling us to do so. And second, and infinitely more important, government does not have the right to tell a newspaper what to print. If we don't change the way we write because Senate tells us to, we could lose financing. This is abhorrent. This is unconstitutional.
If Student Senate had a body that paralleled the Supreme Court, this bill would have been found unconstitutional and thrown out. But no such body exists, So we must live with the consequences.
consequences.
The bill was passed in hopes of improving conditions for minorities on campus. Senate's intentions were good. But the Kansan was the only revenue code group mentioned in a report which calls for changes in how we write. We are willing to change but not at the bidding of government. Senate should have examined the implications of its actions more carefully.
Senate should write bills so that the text at least remotely reflects the intent. And the management and editorial process of this newspaper should remain free of the influence of government.
Stan Dial for the editorial board
Other Voices
The Daily Chronicle, Centralia, Wash., on Jim Bakker's sentence:
Television evangelist Jim Bakker can count himself lucky that he will have to spend only 10 years in federal prison before being eligible for parole.
being english to the American populace. Bakker, once a very influential televangelist, was sentenced by U.S. District Court Judge Robert Potter to a fitting 45 years in prison and fined $500,000 for defrauding his faithful followers of millions of dollars to finance his luxury homes, cars and vacations.
One of the most disturbing aspects of Bakker's sensational six-week trial was his general lack of remorse. Although he admitted he had sinned, he steadfastly maintained he had not committed fraud.
Had Judge Potter strictly observed his reputation for severe punishment, he could have sentenced Bakker to a maximum of 120 years and a fine of more than $5 million. Many of his disillusioned flock would say he deserved the maximum.
His insistence, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary, that he was innocent of the 24 charges of swindling followers of his Praise The Lord (PTL) ministry illustrates a moral bankruptcy that offers little hope for rehabilitation.
News staff
David Stewart...Editor
Ric Brack...Managing editor
Daniel Niemi...News editor
Candy Nieman...Planning editor
Sian Dell...Editorial editor
Jennifer Corser...Campus editor
Elaine Sung...System editor
Laura Husa...Photo editor
Christine Wimmer...Arta/Features editor
Tom Eblen...General manager, news adviser
Business staff
Linda Prokop...Business manager
Debra Martin...Local advertising sales director
Jerre Medford...National/regional sales director
Jill Lowe...Marketing director
Taml Rank...Production manager
Carrie Staninke...Assistant production manager
Margaret Townsend...Co-op manager
Dolphin White...Creative director
Christ Dool...Classified manager
Jeff Messey...Tearsheet manager
Jeanne Hines...Sales and marketing adviser
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lazing!
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Contras give Ortega no alternative
An issue that divided Congress for eight years was supposedly laid to rest last February when the government banned all United States military aid to the contra rebels in Nicaragua. It took a presidential scandal and a Nobel Prize-winning peace plan to persuade Congress that financing a revolution in Nicaragua was not an acceptable solution to that country's problems.
But now the frustrations of both the Sandinista government and the isolated contra rebels threaten the progress toward peace that has been made. Nervous lawmakers and our heretofore dormant president are reacting in such a manner as to reopen the contra aid debate and begin to dismantle the established plans for a peaceful solution.
President Daniel Ortega of the Marxist Sandinista government captured the Bush administration's attention when he declared that the Nicaraguan government would not renew the cease-fire that had been in effect for 19 months.
The truce that was created under the guise of the Organization of American States was contingent on the fulfillment of certain conditions on the part of the United States, the contrasts and the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. It was the violation of these conditions that forced Daniel Ortega to cancel the cease-fire.
Under the agreement, the United States was prohibited from providing any military assistance to rebel groups in Nicaragua. The contrasts were obligated to demobilize their forces and cease all military activity within Nicaragua. In return, the Sandinistas promised to institute democratic reform — most importantly, free elections.
So far, the Sandinistas have lived up to their promise. The campaign has proceeded peacefully with candidates from opposition parties freely voicing their opinions and describing their visions of a better Nicaragua. With the final elections
Daniel Grossman
Staff columnist
coming in February, it appears that Ortega intends to fulfill this obligation.
But reports from Nicaragua claim that the contra rebels have not demobilized and, feeling excluded from the political process, have resumed their military activities. The Sandinistas claim that the contras have killed 44 civilians in 10 days, blatantly violating the conditions of the cease-fire. Although these claims may be exaggerated, even Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Bernard Aronson agrees that some incidents involving the contras have occurred.
Therefore, President Ortega proclaimed that his government would not agree to extend the ceasefire and that any further attacks by the contras would be crushed by the vastly superior Sandinista army.
The 1,500 or so contrast remaining in Nicaragua have been in a state of limbo since the cutoff of U.S. military aid and the cease-fire. Thousands of refugees are still being sustained by American humanitarian assistance.
with NBC's Tom Brokaw, "There will be elections in Nicaragua, period. War or no war, contras or no contras."
Conservative critics, including President Bush who referred to the Nicaraguan leader as "that little man," accused Ortega of looking for an excuse to sabotage or cancel the proposed elections because polls showed him trailing opposition candidates. Marlin Fitzwater, White House press secretary, said, "It's obvious that he is afraid of the ballot box."
The contras have been excluded from the political process, mainly because they lack substantial popular support. Many Nicaraguans remember the days of the dictatorship of Antonio Somoza and his oppressive deathsquads, many members of which joined the contras after the Sandinista revolution in 1979.
However, some Nicaraguan polls show Ortega holding a comfortable lead in the race. Furthermore, the Sandinista government has flatly denied any intentions of jeopardizing the elections scheduled for February 25. Ortega said in an interview
The contra rebels are not a political party but a military faction. Their method for change is aggression rather than negotiation. The only way they can affect the outcome of the election is to resume the war against the Sandinista government and its civilian supporters.
Adolpho Calero and his fellow contra leaders know that President Bush will not allow the rebels to be crushed by Sandista offensives. They are hoping that the threat of obliteration will bring U.S. military aid back to the contrast so they can continue their struggle for power in Nicaragua.
Although Ortega's timing is regrettable, the contras left him little choice in deciding whether to extend the cease-fire. Ortega has made it clear that the elections will proceed regardless of the actions of the contras. Nicagaraa will not be able to achieve a lasting peace until the people decide who governs. If the elections-proceed, the contras will be out of business and the prospects for peace will increase without U.S. intervention.
Daniel Grosman is a Denver, Colo., senior majoring in political science.
Let your card do all of the talking
This probably isn't going to work, but let's give it a try anyway.
Business cards have become a primary medium of defining who people are, at least people who work in office jobs. It used to be that a person defined himself or herself by saying what task he or she performed: "I'm a shoemaker." "I sell insurance." "I work at a gas station."
Now, however, with manufacturing jobs in decline and white-collar jobs on the upswing, it is sometimes not so easy for a person to define what he or she does. Often you yourself may not be all that sure of what your job is. If you don't know, how are you going to explain it to other people?
That is where business cards come in. It might be difficult for you to say to a stranger: "See, I have this office and this secretary; and there's this computer in my office; and I spend a lot of time on the phone. I also get a lot of faxes and I respond to them. My boss makes me nervous, and it also makes me nervous that I'm not sure what he expects from me. That, basically, is what I do."
Bob
Greene
Syndicated columnist
Far better to hand the stranger a business card that identifies you as "Regional Manager for Intercorporate Policy." That sounds much more impressive than the explanation in the previous paragraph. And it's even more impressive if "Regional Manager for Intercorporate Policy," is
printed on your business card with ink that stands up a little bit from the paper surface of the card itself.
so today we're going to have a little contest for the best business card in the United States.
our contest will win cash!
FANCIOST BUSINESS CARD — This is like the swamuult division of the Miss America Pageant. looks great for everything. In this division, it doesn't matter what the title of the person on the business card is. What matters is how glitzy and elegant the card is. Let's say your business card, or the business card of an associate, is made of solid gold. That would qualify for this category. Business cards in this category are meant to impress you before you even read them.
MOST DIFFICULT TITLE TO DECIPHER ON
A BUSINESS CARD - This is the most creative
Entries should be mailed to: Business Card Bingo, c/o Bob Greene colmn. The Chicago Tribune, 435 N. Mighian Ave., Chicago, III. 0611. Employees of this conglomerate are not eligible.
category. The point here is that the bearer of the business card has come up with a title for himself or herself that sounds impressive but that gives absolutely no clue as to what he or she does for a living.
Who may enter this contest? Anyone. And you can send in your own business card or a card that has been given to you. But we will not print names without permission. For example, if you send in someone else's card and enter it in the Most Difficult Title to Decipher category, we will accept the entry and may even judge it the winner and print the title. But we will not include the name of the card's owner without permission.
➤ Bob Greene is a columnist for the Chicago Tribune.
living.
FUNNIEST BUSINESS CARD — By this we mean intentionally funny. These are business cards that are meant to make people laugh. This is a hard category. Carrying a funny business card is in many ways as difficult as being a stand-up comedian. Just about anyone can try it, but few can successfully pull it off.
CAMP UHNEELY
The next thing you know, after an hour has passed he opens the door and throws a slammar -- You're no longer the last.
Nearby sits a woman with a face full of dread it appears she awoke on the wrong side.
She asks for your name which you say rather clear.
with a sneer.
*There get a timetable and fill out this card.
But this time
And don't write on the lines which I have just starred.
She hands you the card with a look from the dead
And stamps her approval on the brow of your head.
She points to the hall to another long line --
She is waiting patiently to
BY SCOTT PATTY