Page 4 University Daily Kansan, January 18. 1982 Opinion Praise comes to KU The University of Kansas is the best school in the Big Eight, a cornbelt Berkeley, and a diamond in the rough-or at least the editors of the 1982 New York Times Selective Guide to Colleges think so. This praise should fall like soothing music on the ears of Kansans who are often the butt of the nation's jokes. the butt of the head of a dog. And the praise certainly is no surprise to those who are familiar with the University and its programs. What is surprising is that KU deserves this praise despite the relatively low salaries it offers its faculty. According to the University's request for salary increases for Fiscal Year 1983, KU is below the average faculty salary and compensation figures for all Big Eight schools. And KU is dead last when compared with the nine publicly funded Big Ten schools. Logically enough, the low salaries are an important cause of faculty resignations. The University is now requesting a 13 percent increase in faculty salaries from the Kansas Legislature. Carlin has agreed to a 10 percent increase. These changes are better than nothing, but they probably aren't good enough. Chancellor Gene A. Budig has pledged to make KU one of the top state universities in the country—a school any state would be proud of. But the heart of his plan is the ability to retain a strong faculty. If the citizens of Kansas want to keep hearing the praises of KU sung by voices other than their own, and if they want to maintain a university that offers outstanding educational opportunities, they must be willing to pay. in the New York Times Selective Guide, the best things in college life are definitely not free. Era of good feeling may end as legislative session begins the honeymoon between Gene Budig and the 1982 edition of the Kansas Legislature may be over. As Budig combed the state last year he was met with open arms, smiling faces and agreeing But when the state legislators gather in Topeka, as they did last week for their 90-day session, they have a tendency to become a fisty lot. Historically, the legislators have been less than mumficient. It comes to funding higher schools in Kansas. From their point of view, that may be understandable. After all, funding for the Regents institutions is only one of their concerns in the current session. Discussion will range from a severance tax proposal to crime prevention, and it promises to be anything but subdued. Even though appropriations to the Kansas Board of Regents Schools make up about 30 DAN BOWERS percent of Gov. John Carlin's proposed $3.05 billion budget for fiscal year 1983, legislators will be considering a number of other areas in formulating a final budget. Even before the legislature has had the chance to sink its teeth into appropriations for KU, the state's legislature has And just to throw another log on the fire—it's election year. Rest assured that our state representatives and senators will be watching that vote, but not every last cent of their constituencies' tax dollars. While the governor might view reduction as "trimming the fat," you can bet that the fellows over in Strong Hall see the parting of 3 million of their body mass of chunk of meat—about $1.7 million worth. Over in the State Budget Office, where the director's name, Lynn Muchmore, is not very indicative of the increases in appropriations for KU's slice of the budgetary pie, KU's request for a 13 percent hike in faculty salaries was trimmed to 10 percent. KU officials have emphasized that a 13 percent increase in faculty salaries is badly needed. In KU's request for the 13 percent increase, figures were provided that show the average salary for a KU professor is $6,013 less than the average for the 24 public universities that are members of the American Association of University Teachers. The KU's average salary ranks 22nd on that list. KU officials maintain that with such un- competitive salaries, there is a great danger of KU losing faculty members to the higher paying universities and to private industry. Last year, most of the 75 faculty members who resigned cited higher salaries as their main reason for leaving KU. Such disclosures point to a crisis in the university's threat to the University's quality of education. University officials have found some comfort in Carlin's proposal for a 10 percent increase—at least the governor recognizes that there is a risk they are still pushing for the 13 percent increase. Before jumping back into the legislative arc, we need a few other distressing points in proposals. To start with, Carlin proposed a meager 6 percent increase in other operating expenses, the fund that pays for such things as research equipment and library acquisitions. The Regents had requested an increase of 11 percent to keep the department's budget have more than doubled over the last 10 years. And, sorry, biology students. If Gov. Carlin has his way, the Haworth Hall addition project will have to be shelved until next year, or the next, or the next . . . Now that Carlin has proposed his version of the 1983 budget, the ball is in the court of the election-year legislature, and the politicking game is in full force. What better way for the legislators to show up the governor (other than turning their noses up at the severance tax proposal) than to slice up his budget even more? In 1891, after the Regents' original request of a 10 percent increase in faculty salaries, Carlin proposed a nine percent increase. The new department then asked that the grinder and came up with a 7 percent figure. A similar fate befall the eventual appropriations for other operating expenses. After considering the Regents original request for a 9 percent increase, and Carlin's proposal of six percent, the legislature came up with 5.5 percent. So in just a few not-so-simple steps, KU is out about $600.000. But happily, some circumstances are different this year. First of all, there don't appear to be any faculty members for the legislators to torment this year a la Hoagland. That is, unless they find out about the time last semester that one of my teachers was five minutes late for And secondly, Budig's numerous trips through the state have acquainted him with a number of legislators—lobely enough to make him an effective lobbyist during this session. Let's hope that fair weather greets the KU budget in the Statehouse this year so that this year's fruits are a little more plentiful than last year. But we'll have to wait until April to see the fruits of Ruddie's labors. NATO forces Russia's hand in Poland By GEORGE F. KENNAN New York Times Special Features Princeton, N.J., "The sanctions imposed on the Soviet Union by the Reagan administration are, unfortunately, marked by an extreme vagueness in how they should be expected to do to bring about their removal. One is reluctant to believe that what is wanted is that Moscow should order the government in Warsaw to undo what has been done since Dec. 13, and to restore the status quo ante, because such an exertion of authority by Moscow over Warsaw is precisely what we profess to deplore. One can only assume that what is wanted is that the Soviet government should take a detached attitude toward events in Poland and permit the situation there to find its own level whatever the consequences for Poland's form of government or that country's international position. This, however, would be a drastic demand. It would reach to the very foundation of the de facto division of Europe that has existed since World War II. This division itself was a product of that It was the Nazi military success that first destroyed the pre-war status quo of eastern Europe. Then it was the Nazis' military failure that, to the applause of the Western Allies, drew Soviet military and political power into the conflict, published it there, where it has remained ever since. And it was the memory of the grievous injury done the Soviet Union by the Germans while they were fighting in that country that caused the Soviet regime to consider it vital to its security to retain ultimate control over at least the eastern third of Germany and all intervening territory. The move was intended to ensure that Russia would not again be confronted by a rearmed and united Germany, possibly allied—this time—with the United States. This, in essence, was the origin of the Soviet Union's interest in Poland over these past 35 years. In pursuit of this interest, Moscow has made many and great mistakes. Some would deny the legitimacy of this interest, but this is how Soviet leaders perceive it. And it is this interest that has been most prominent in their minds as they stood by and witnessed, with growing alarm, the developments in Poland last year. To date, the Soviet Union has not intervened with its own military forces. It was not the unending series of high-level warnings from Washington that motivated this restraint. The Kremlin had weighty reasons of its own; it is not hard to imagine what they were—for not intervening. One may assume that the only development that could drive the Russians to so drastic a step would be further degeneration of the Polish military and political hegemony in eastern and central Europe being undermined, to the detriment of both the prestige, and the internal stability, of the Soviet Union itself. If the Soviets saw their happening, there is no telling what they do. If we really wanted to avert these and other dangers of an over-anxious Soviet interest in the Polish political scene, then we must be willing to address ourselves to the Kremlin's basic strategic stake in the eastern and central European region. To do this, we would have to be prepared to reexamine the very terms on which the division of the continent has operated over the past three-and-one-half decades. This would mean, at the outset, soundings and discussions to ascertain just what assurances Moscow would require, and what safeguards would have to be provided to compensate for the loss of security that such a change of Soviet policy would signify in Soviet eyes. We would then have to explore, together with our North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies. To be sure, it is unlikely that anything could bring Moscow to a point at which it would disclaim any and all security interest in Poland's interests in Ukraine. And, with it, a certain relaxation of existing tension, might be achieved if something could be done to give assurance that NATO powers would not take advantage of that relaxation to the region's strategic position, in eastern and central Europe. The U.S. government cannot be unaware of this aspect of the problem, but to date, its official pronouncements and actions seem to have taken no account of it. It is it not high time that this omission be corrected? Otherwise, we run the danger—and it is a serious one—of driving the Soviet leadership into war by pressing it mercilessly against a closed door. (George F. Kenan, historian and former ambassador to the Soviet Union, is professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton University.) Letters to the Editor Mystery man in Oval Office To the Editor: Let's see whether you can identify this mar. He believes that our country must regain industrial leadership in the world, but then cuts funds for research, development, and education. He wants everybody to work harder and produce more, but takes it easy himself. He believes that financial aid from the government makes the rich more productive and the poor less productive. He wants support for the poor to come primarily from private charity, but approves increased postbank loans of 10,000 out of 70,000 such institutions will have to close shop. He condemns the government of Poland for violating human rights and supports the government of El Salvador. He cuts down the spending power of millions of Americans by laying them off, reducing their welfare checks, discontinuing their food stamps and housing subsidies, so that they can no longer buy the goods the American industry produces. They lose incentives to businessmen to expand production. He is leading the country into the worst depression in history a century and blames past arrests on it. Harry G. Shaffer Harry G. Shaffer Professor of Economics and Soviet and East European Studies Letters Policy The University Daily Kansas welcomes letters to the editor. Letters should be typewritten, double-spaced and should not exceed 500 words. They should include the writer's name, address and phone number. If you wish to contact the Kansan letter should include his class and home town or faculty or staff position. The Kansan reserves the right to edit or reject letters. A time for growing up, growing apart A few weeks ago at least one KU student had to figure that one out. The bait was his first chance in four months to go home, give his mother a hug and eat her bread, about writing a paper history of relativity. What's a college student to do when mom and daughter belt-and-switch trick with Christmas break? He drove home with plans to make the semester break a new beginning with his JEFF THOMAS parents. For more than a year he had felt himself designing the kind of adult he wanted to become. Christmas seemed like the right time to show off his progress and share his hopes. Maybe his parents also felt their son's new thoughts come their way. They were prepared. After he was hugged, rested and fattened, they dealt the switch: Somehow they seemed to slip out the back door and shove in two look-alikes from the local Moral Majority. If their son was serious about making himself in his own image some straightening out, they seemed to think know his feelings toward marriage. It was an opportunity he had been waiting for, and he carefully laid out the reasons he thought people should look beyond tradition. Contract marriages might be worth a try for some people, he told her. The day after Christmas his mother wanted to He pursued the conversation, pressing her on women's rights. He gave her an article he had been reading that argued that housewives should be paid wages for their work in the home. In the article, the Chase Manhattan Bank figured that each housewife did about $257 of work for free each month, based on a nine-year-old wage scale. She only amused gently. What could her boy know about marriage when he's so single, she singles? He left a day early but not before his mother loaded him heavily with leftover turkey, the trimming and six jars of grandma's applesauce. As he unpacked after the drive back to school, a pamphlet slid out from the mason jars of applesauce—"Is Humanism Molesting Your Child?" by the Pro-Family Forum. She skimmed the first page for a moment and slid the essay back across the kitchen table. "I don't like all those numbers and percentages," she told him. Besides, she had to finish her He'd been baited, hooked, pulled in and switched all the way home and back again. According to his parents' pamphlet, humans believed in an end to free enterprise and patriotism, creation of a global socialistic government and incest. He remembered the growth he had wanted to show them, that he was learning to think on his own, and he burned at the six slick pages of his parents' misunderstanding. "You'll outgrow all this theoretical stuff once you live in the real world," his mother had told him. His parents only took his achievements as the wanderings of the young. Of course, he couldn't say for sure that he wouldn't join ranks with them someday. Still, at that moment he was certain that he did not want to live his life their way. He refused to outgrow Then the real switch gilded at him: No, his parents didn'tuck out and sent in two moral watchdogs to nudge him back in line. They had a mother who had always made up a moral majority of some sort. The switch wasn't his parents; it was his perspective. Somewhere along the way to growing up his way he had watched the miles between himself and his family. Between the semesters another son turning-to-men had learned his lesson well: There a cost to growing up. As young people move toward adolescence, there is more risk for their childhoods, even the ones they loved most. The University Daily KANSAN (USPS 659-640) Published at the University of Kansas daily August through Monday and Thursday and June July until September, Sunday, Saturday, and holidays. 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