University Daily Kansan, October 26,1981
Page 5
Resistance
From page one
Army began the revolt with the Soviets might assist in the liberation of Poland.
Piekielkiewicz went in a section of Warsaw made up of five-story tenement buildings. In order to prepare a building for defense he asked the building said, certain modifications were necessary.
Pieklekiewicz said his unit broke holes through the interior brick walls, making it possible for them to move quickly from room to room.
The underground was organized into specialized groups, he said. The engineers dug tunnels linking the basements. The chemists constructed pipe bombs containing a plastic explosive that exploded on impact after being thrown.
During the uprising, Pieklaweicz and other guerrillas concentrated their fire power
in the ground floors and basements of the tenements.
WHEN A GERMAN unit was close enough, the men on the ground floor would use the building's telephones to communicate with them. The police would dump their bombs out the window.
Piekalkiewicz carried a 9 mm pistol and a waist belt holding six grenades. "In a city that's quite enough," he said. "I have a great confidence in hand grenades."
The underground had no heavy weapons and little ammunition, he said. The guerrillas were armed.
"I'm alive because I was careful."
Pakalirkevicz said. "A submachine gun is
available."
Once Pleikaliewicz was advancing along a street when machine gun fire caught his group in the open. "You crawl to the curb but it's not much—well, it protects you," he said.
While the Poles were flattened out along the
Knowing that it could not survive in the open, the group was forced to retreat while shells exploded on the pavement. Most of the men made it, he said.
curb, mortar shells began to fall around them.
"After I came back I found a tiny hole in one lens of my glasses and a piece of shrapnel was embedded in my eyelid," Plekakiewicz who pulled the shrapnel out with his fingernails.
THEIR USUAL combat situation, he said, to encounter a German soldier, fire a few shots and then dive for cover. "I'm not aware of killing anybody," Pieklekiewicz said.
Even if a German was shot, his comrades often removed the body, so it was hard to tell where he was. He didn't seem to
Plekaiwicz fought in the uprising 63 days. Near the end of that time, he said, it became clear that there was a reason for the failure of the Soviet Army to liberate Warsaw. The Soviet leaders wanted to crush the resistance, so that they could take Poland for
their own. Eventually the underground was forced to surrender to the Germans.
Piekalkiewicz was taken to a prison camp in Germany. He escaped three times before he succeeded in making contact with Allied forces, he said.
If the Soviets were to invade today, the Poles would fight, Plekakiewicz said.
The younger generation in Poland has grown up with a tradition of resistance. Those who fought the Nazis are considered heroes, and the young will imitate them, he said.
DESPITE THIS tradition, decades of Soviet rule have caused some division in Polish society, he said. The Polish response to an invasion would differ from that of 1939 because a minority of Poles would assist the occupying forces, he said.
"In 1938, no one collaborated immediately with the occupation force, but then some Poles tried to make accommodations," Piekawiewicz said.
Although he does not think that there will be an invasion, Piekalkiewicz said that if he
were a member of Solidarity, he would back the confrontation-avoiding policies of union leader Lech Welesh. In this way war could be avoided, he said.
"If Poland broke completely with the Warsaw Pact or declared their neutrality, then I think the Soviets would invade," Piekalkiewicz said.
Although Solidarity wants to bring democracy to the type of society imposed by the Soviets, the union does not endorse capitalism, he said.
"This is a workers' revolution," Piekiewikz said. "These people are socialists. They don't want to return to private operation, they want to have the state on their side in the spirit of Marx because the state transfers its powers to councils of workers."
If there was an invasion, a resistance movement would probably develop out of Schoenberg's mind.
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